1 America’s Last Civil War Veterans and Participants: An Investigation By Garry Victor Hill Revised and Expanded Edition 2 3 America’s Last Civil War Veterans and Participants: An Investigation By Garry Victor Hill 2015 Revised and Expanded Edition 4 Contents Copyright and Disclaimer page 5 Acknowledgements page 6 Dedication page 7 Author’s Note page 9 Introduction page 10 Introduction to the Second Edition page 16 Introduction to the Fourth Edition page 18 Part One page 20 Part Two page 91 Afterword page 360 About the Author page 361 5 Copyright: Garry Victor Hill asserts the moral right to copyright of the written text of this work. Short quotations for critical or academic purposes are allowed. Sales by any means or storage in any electronic system without the expressed permission of the author is a copyright violation. ©ᶜ The maps and most illustrations are from free access internet sites. Most of these illustrations are from Google options, these are compiled by generic topics. They begin ‘Images of…’ They request feedback, which becomes a specific request for usage and if granted, they are copied. Others have been used following requested copyright steps for inclusion. Either way, they should not be copied from this work. The author does not hold the copyright to any illustration. If any illustration has been put on free access websites without their owner’s permission, and then copied here, this is done unknowingly. Contact the author and that illustration will be removed or given full acknowledgement. Other illustrations are used with permission. Only one of those of W.W. Alexander, two of Jay S. Hoar and three picture frames, have been cropped. Not one illustration has been coloured, but some are enlarged or diminished. Permission to quote text and captions is with acknowledgement: Garry Victor Hill Website “America’s Last Civil War Participants: An Investigation.” 2014. Or garryhill7@bigpond.com The search document option makes indexes obsolete. No list of works cited ensures that plagiarists do some work. Copies are stored in the archives of the UNE Library, Armidale, The Virginia Historical Society and the South Carolina Department of Archives and History and are with Professor Jay S. Hoar and Andrew MacKenzie. Copies are being sent to, the Australian National Library, and the Library of Congress and to the Mitchell Library Sydney. Written without prejudice. No suggestion of fraud, racism or deceit is made against any individual. Where claims have not been fully verified this is due to a lack of conclusive evidence or conflicting evidence. Disclaimer In this work Civil War era battle flags from both sides have been used to identify which side a veteran or participant sided with. Crossed Battle flags have been used to illustrate what the conflict was about. The use of the Confederate flag in this work is historical and does not express support for any political group that uses that flag as a symbol. The use of the Confederate flag by white hate groups is a misuse of history. A Note on language: Although the topic and many of the quotations are in American English, the computer is based in English English. This leads to inconsistencies in spelling and the use of some terms. I have not corrected grammar, spelling or syntax in quotations. The old style of putting a p before a page number has been used to avoid confusion with computer numbers. 6 Acknowledgements: Professor Jay S. Hoar of Maine, the world’s outstanding authority on the veterans, for copyright permissions, general advice and a massive donation of books, photos and material. Linda Murray Baker of South Carolina for information on Arnold Murray and A.B. Murray The photo of Arnold Murray and other information is courtesy of Irvin Shuler of South Carolina Thomas P. Cole of Charlotte-Mecklenburg Library for information on W.W. Alexander. Peggy Dillard of the website Tennrebgirl for permission to use the UCV 1913 Reunion photo. John P. Deeben, Archives Specialist of the National Archives Washington D.C. for information concerning the 11TH South Carolina Volunteers. Information and Photographs for the section on Red Cloud provided by Ernest L. Plunkett, brother in law to Chief Red Cloud, son of Joseph A. Plunkett. This information was compiled and sent by Joyce Milhorn Plunkett. Linda K. Lehman and Donna Peternell for their work on James Elbert Erwin and their sent photographs and clippings. Charles Green of Steubenville’s Historic Society for information about Red Cloud. Martha Cross Mordecai for her information on W.W. Alexander and photographic permission. Cherri Butler of Fitzgerald Georgia for her work on William J. Bush. Richard Menard for the use of his copyrighted photograph of William J. Bush. Harold Ott and The Jonesboro Sun for help with the Loudermilks. John McClure of the Virginia Historical Society for his vital help on Thomas Evans Riddle. Wade H. Dorsey, a South Carolina History archivist for work on Arnold Murray. C. Michael Anderson of Prospect, Connecticut for good advice on texts and information about Sarah Rockwell and advising me to contact Professor Hoar. Cheryl Wasserman of the Fort Christmas Staff for her information about the fort. Steve Groggins of Georgia for information about William J. Bush. Thanks to archivists at the Danbury Museum, the Virginia Library and Arkansas State Archives. Michael Vetman of the Indiana State archives for information on William Kiney. Thanks to many others for copyright permissions. A special thankyou to those writers, researchers, archivists, genealogists, bloggers, owners of pictures and contributors who refuse to be commercialised and allow free access to their sites - that includes FOLD 3, and Ancestry.com 7 Dedication Jay S. Hoar (1933- ) Professor Jay S. Hoar is the pioneer in the study of America’s Civil War Veterans. His three volume elegy will remain the definitive collection. He hates war and likes people. He is a wise man. 8 Professor Hoar at home and on his travels across America researching the lives of veterans 9 Author’s Note: This is Version Four of a work in progress. More research is needed: verdicts on the last surviving veterans are not set in stone. New evidence that may clarify their roles may still come in. Publication was delayed as news came in about Red Cloud, W.W. Alexander, Arnold Murray, James Erwin, William A. Kiney, Francis Healey and Charlie Smith. Any new information will appear in a later edition. As the word veteran does not apply to several who did small brief services for their side, this work was retitled to include the more accurate term participant. While realising that continual hedging with “probably” “possibly” “uncertain” “likely” “seems” and “dubious” are wearying and create a longing for definite conclusions, a major point must be that too many people writing on this issue have been definite – and have been wrong. When evidence is inconclusive historians should still go with the evidence. With sources I have not usually credited muster rolls, certificates for birth, employment, marriage and death, and also censuses as all these sources are referred to in the text. If they do not have a source note they are computerised and can be found by googling their names. While realising that investigating censuses, muster rolls and similar dry, dusty documents cannot be as glamorous or exciting as watching Hollywood versions of historical events they can still be revealing ones. Earlier versions contained some errors and changed opinions. A massive problem with paper size was only recently detected. “US Letter” is very close to A4, but does paginate differently. This led to versions being four lines out and that led to pages and script going further out of kitter. My apologies. * Free access copies of this book should are available in e-book form. This is also found by typing in Garry Victor Hill online, Try my website using google top left hand bar http://garryvictorhill.com.au/ Or try the title using google as a search engine. Illustrations are in colour and many a typo has been fixed. Printed soft bound copies in black and white are available at the cost price of $13 plus postage, which costs more than the printing Prices for colour illustration copies are negotiable. Contact garryhill7@bigpond.com 10 Introduction “Why do you care about them? They are all dead now.” This book grew out of that question asked in school as I was engrossed in reading of the American Civil War. Actually they were “not all dead” back then in about 1956 or 1957, but whatever the literal truth, the question still resonates. In childhood I could not answer it and still cannot, at least not fully. However it remains a question that could (more politely) be asked of many millions, for that war remains one of the most written about events in history. Why? William Faulkner, grandson of a Confederate colonel, wrote that the past has never passed, it remains all around us - and this certainly applies to the Civil War. Historian Bruce Catton made worthwhile points, saying that it has shaped what type of nation America would become, and that it gave ordinary people a great moment when they could decide their future - and that of their nation.1 In the North people felt that they were part of crushing a rebellious betrayal of their beloved land of freedom and they were establishing a free nation that Bruce Catton, “A Sound of Distant Drums’ in The American Heritage Picture History of The Civil War. 1960. Editor in Charge, Richard M. Ketchum. New York: American Heritage Publishing Co. Inc./Bonza Books, 1982. p606. 1 11 would stretch from the Atlantic to the Pacific. When Lincoln spoke of America being the world’s best hope for liberty that idea resonated with many. A vocal and powerful minority in the North also believed that they were doing God’s work by ridding the land of liberty from the curse and the canker of slavery. Catton also writes of the lure of the other appeal to other Americans; the Southern dream of the life on the plantation that seemed to die with the war. That dream still endures: to own their own productive land and therefore to be self-sufficient and independent. This concept remains a great part of the American dream. The image of being in a quiet, orderly world where people could tranquilly rock on the porch at the end of a healthy workday or on Sunday, while enjoying a natural view breathing fresh air, still appeals. It was a world where relationships usually lasted, where children usually obeyed, hospitality was given and received, honesty valued, and belief in God and order were rarely questioned. The sense of community and of having a respected, easily understood and regular place in it was common. This idea depended on small numbers in agricultural communities living on abundant resources, but by the middle of the nineteenth century even America’s abundant resources were dwindling when faced with massive population growth from natural increase and massive migration. This growth fuelled the growth of industrialised cities, especially in the North, where the North’s proportion of America’s population (and therefore voters) was rapidly outgrowing that of the South. This was often perceived in the South as a threat to their political power. Defending this world from Northern armies was the first reason so many fought; four out of five Confederate soldiers did not own slaves. The more intangible threat of the growing power of a federal state controlled more by magnates than the people was harder to articulate, let alone attack, but it caused a sense of foreboding. This vague but worrying feeling that their way of life was threatened by another, rather than defending slavery or states’ rights, motivated many to fight for the Confederacy. Catton’s view of the South that reverberates with so many comes across as partly desire, partly reality - and therefore legend. Even so, if we could be time travellers and be back into the antebellum South, either on an independent farmer’s porch, or in the slave’s world, how many of us would last twenty minutes before wanting out? Except for extreme masochists or totally egocentric sociopaths we would be frantically hammering on the doors of our time travelling capsules and screaming “Get me out of here!” If the opening scenes of Gone With the Wind depicted the old South at its best, Twelve Years a Slave depicted the hidden horror. Slave or master, who would really wish to be either one? 12 At some level, most people must have some awareness of this and that in many aspects the nineteenth century was not a great place to be. Smallpox scarred or killed. Tuberculosis, syphilis, cholera, typhoid, typhus, rickets, polio and yellow fever were all common, almost unstoppable and feared. A high proportion of babies died very young. Life expectancy was low; work and living conditions were usually horrendous and puritanical mores ruled. Few lived in the mansions or rested on porches that so much of our culture depicts. Tenements were usually noisy, filthy and cramped. Work hours were long; workers had few rights. Theories of racial and religious superiority made many people live lives filled with resentment, deprivation of opportunity and feelings of inferiority. Yet we look back, why? Much of this looking back and the examination of the lives of Civil War participants is healthy. They are often exemplars of self-sacrifice, courage, stoic endurance and honour. The war itself shows us what happens to societies that let themselves give way to fear: most suffer and many die. The only benefits go to demagogues, glory hunting warriors and merchants of death, all whom do very well for themselves by exploiting those fears. The cost of their profit can be a devastated land and people. The efforts to preserve battlefields, texts, documents and the other accoutrements of a past age can also be healthy, part of a process of stopping people from becoming “live for now” consumer automations because they do not know the past. This ignorance means they are unable to contrast and so appreciate what they have now because they have nothing to compare their “now” to. To make that comparison the evidence of the past must be there. More subtle lessons also emerge. We can appreciate how they did more with less – in relationships, technology, entertainment, even with food. Another lesson emerges from Civil War battlefields. They are now among the most peaceful places in America: the meek do indeed inherit the earth. Where are slavery’s chains now? In museums and Hollywood film sets: no tyranny lasts forever. The world does change and can be improved. Much can be gained from the past: pity and relief when looking back are only two responses. People in the past show the merits of frugality, a welcome contrast to our world of rampant consumerism. Finding tranquillity and refreshing links to nature and the seasons was easier in a world without ever mushrooming identikit high rises overlooking incessantly noisy four lane highways. We endure intrusive mobiles everywhere, blaring televisions and radios and ubiquitous saturation level advertising that makes the brainwashing 13 of Stalinist Russia or Maoist China look mild. If that sounds like hype watch a documentary where gleeful advertisers boast of how they are getting three-yearolds to be consumers of their products for life. Or just try to avoid advertising for forty-eight hours. New developments in studying history get away from images of the Civil War solely concerned with White Anglo males. Many new texts rightly emphasise the roles of those who have either been given little attention or gone unrecognised: America’s ethnic minorities, women, European migrants, and foreign governments and their reporters – and this development applies to both sides. Other aspects of interest in the Civil War are neither wise nor welcome. While most texts and websites are productive, some sites and book titles, while not openly racist, have a sinister edge and give an impression of a hidden political agenda from the far right waiting to be revealed. These works fall into two broad categories: the first is a glorification of war and of famed Confederates, particularly Nathan Bedford Forrest. Forrest serves as a test for the two extremes. He is aptly described as a Jekyll and Hyde character on the cover of Hurst’s biography. For much of his life he was a slave trader, but then he went further than most in what he thought Blacks could achieve. He was also courageous, sedulous and militarily brilliant – with the guilt free readiness for violence and the visceral manipulating ruthlessness of a panther. White Racists glorify him as a hero: the politically correct demonise him. The second test concerns revelations about Union tyranny, Union repression and assorted atrocities against Southerners. The latter initially seem historically worthwhile and definitely would be - if they were matched by revelations about Confederate repression and atrocious behaviour. In many instances the Confederates were even worse, but not one such book about such matters ever seems to appear on these lists. Such selective blindness indicates political extremism and manipulating deceit. These people also give an impression that they are using Confederate symbols, history and legends to lure people in to some right-wing group where they will be manipulated for some ugly purpose based in hatred. I would prefer to see this book destroyed rather than to see it used as part of that process. On the other side of politics many of the politically correct radicals are dominated by demagogues who are pushy, loud, sly, authoritarian and sanctimoniously self-serving. They have made very lucrative careers for themselves out of jumping on a trendy bandwagon which rolls on because they manufacture or find conflicts so as to maintain their power and prestige. Fights 14 over flags and squabbles over statues are not worth the time and energy both sides put into such things. They also know how to make sure that their followers stay busy and so stay in their ranks. Many of the most despicable examples of racism, emotional blackmail and exploitation I have witnessed have come from such people. Even so, while a danger to individuals who fall for their emotional blackmail, the real danger to society as a whole comes from the far right. Hitler, Mussolini, Franco and many a later tin pot dictator and conniving politician used idealised images of past wars and heroism as part of their appeal. Slavery is dead and buried in the United States and hopefully racism will soon lie next to it. At Appomattox when troops told Lee they would fight on he told them to return peacefully to their farms and rebuild. When in 1869 the Ku Klux Klan announced they were setting up a branch in Virginia, a few days later Lee responded with a rare public statement that Virginians should avoid the politics of hatred and extremism which only led to turbulence and misery. Both of Lee’s statements contain a message some still have not got and desperately need. * Part of the interest in the war concerns the fading memories and the last living tangible links, those participants who survived into our own lives. Professor Jay S. Hoar wrote much of the pioneering work on this topic in his epic three volume study Sunset and Dusk of the Blue and the Gray. This trilogy starts with The North’s Last Boys in Blue Volume I. This work serves partly an investigation, partly a tribute to those Union veterans still alive between 1940 and 1946 while Volume II continues on with those living between 1946 and 1971. The final volume The South’s Last Boys in Gray. Volume III does the same for the Confederates alive from the 1940s to the end of the 1950s. The three volumes are an epic for the common men who served in the war, then rebuilt the nation. Professor Hoar also covered new ground on the related topics of the boy soldiers in Callow Brave and True: A Gospel of Civil War Youth (1999) and the world of Civil War nursing and the role of Blacks in several articles. This writer only found out about his writings as the second edition of this work was being finished, so he was unused as a source and an influence in earlier versions which are available in The Controversies Over America’s Last Civil War Veterans (2014) on request. On one level missing Professor Hoar’s work was a big mistake, showing my work to be rudimentary and perhaps wrong on some points. 15 On the other hand, rudimentary or not, my discoveries, research, work, conclusions and outlook, despite help with sources, indications of where to look and information, were essentially my own. If this work mentions Professor Hoar many times in the text and in the source notes he has done invaluable work in these topics: without his decades of effort great amounts of extremely important information would have been lost. We would also not have his epic elegy. I am expecting corrections, differing viewpoints, fallacies exposed and extra information. All are welcome: they will make for a better VERSION 5. * 16 Introduction to the Second Edition This version more than doubles the size of the first. Many of those added words and pages come from fresh information and newly found illustrations. Six of the twenty nine participants, investigated in this work, actual, possible and unauthenticated, James E. Erwin, W.W. Alexander, Frank H. Mayer, Hattie Cook Carter, Red Cloud and Maud Nicholls Jones, were previously unknown and brought to my attention by the work of Professor Jay S. Hoar. Several others, particularly Thomas Edwin Ross, Israel Aaron Broadsword, James Albert Hard, William A. Kiney and William Allen Lundy, also went from having paragraphs to having pages, mainly on his information. New information from several other sources also led to a massive reworking and enlarging on the segments on William Bush and Sarah Rockwell. Reshaping the possibilities of Loudermilk’s placement in the war also led to substantially reworking his segment. More words come from incorporating the works of Professor Jay S. Hoar. His work on Civil War nursing and also the young enlistments incorporated into his volumes has been hailed as original and useful in very under researched aspect of the war. He has been acclaimed as the world’s leading expert on America’s Civil War veterans and his volumes show why. In his trilogy Sunset and Dusk of the Blue and the Gray: Last Living Chapter of the American Civil War (2006-2010) he has written on what must be all the known veterans alive after 1940 and on many alive before then. While the first two volumes focused on the Union soldiers, the last volume The South’s Last Boys in Gray: An Epic Prose Elegy focused on the Confederates. He has told of their wartime experiences - and usually at more length of their lives after the war and it is in that aftermath that his theme emerges – that despite war’s horrors these men and women could emerge from it and return to normal lives. They showed more than a capacity for stoicism – a word that conjures up a laconic and grim capacity for endurance. They showed a more difficult quality to attain, resilience. They met their sufferings, setbacks and sometimes even tragedies with silence, a try try again attitude, hard work, fatalism, homilies and even humour that could be wry, ironic, sardonic, satirical and verseceous – and sometimes self – depreciating. What seems initially odd and then astounding is that in these accounts there are almost no clear records of post-war trauma. One veteran ended up in a lunatic asylum; another clearly had mental problems – out of close to a thousand mentioned? In comparison, alcoholism, drug addiction, suicidal and neurotic behaviour, mental illnesses and stress related illnesses are all common among American veterans since the 17 First World War and those rates worsen among the veterans of Vietnam, Afghanistan and the Gulf Wars. These problems are not endemic among these people alive after the Civil War. Through hard work, the support of their families, churches and communities they rebuilt their homes, farms, businesses and their lives. By doing so they rebuilt the South – and whatever their intentions, they rebuilt in a better mode. If the New South was not a land of equality or even a land freed of racism, it was a land freed from slavery and one with wider opportunities. Professor’s Hoar’s theme is worthier and more important than mine. This book was initially intended as an article written to reassess the record of those claimants to Confederate service after Pleasant Crump. This very limited aim led to a very limited text in Version 1 and this writer was hit by the inadequacies - of not only not having enough information and of having incorrect grammar, spelling and syntax, but of not including Union participants and nurses. Another point to develop became obvious, the one that he made and this has been incorporated. The focus of my study has been broadened to touch on those aspects of the war that impacted on the lives of the individuals here. The format of segments for individuals is one aspect where my text matches his, but was designed before seeing his work. In his work and mine each individual gets a segment where their name and (where possible) a picture are prominent before a text assessing their life. Professor Hoar’s segments usually focus more on their overall lives than mine do. My focus is on investigating their Civil War service, with a rounding off briefly mentioning their later lives. * 18 Introduction to the Fourth Edition A fourth edition in less than two years? As with the Third Edition, the information keeps coming in and gives me little choice. Factual errors are corrected: so is grammar, syntax and punctuation, again. Mistakes with source notes, fonts, capitals (and their lack) and running blank lines are also corrected, again. Prolix wording, especially concerning censuses and thin possibilities, has been cut. Many sentences have been reworded and several have been added. An explanation about why the censuses were so erroneous has also been added. Some illustrations have been resized and others have gone. Some enlistment documents have been added, mainly for Bush, Townsend, and Murray. Errors concerning the Loudermilks are corrected. William Murphy Loudermilk (1847-1952) could have served at Chattanooga in 1863. The W. M. Loudermilk who enlisted in the 39th Georgia cannot be the same man so writing on him has been greatly reduced. The same has happened with William Watson Alexander who served in the Army of Northern Virginia and William James Bush of Georgia. Both men now have been found to be separate entities to W.W. Alexander and to William Jordan Bush, so they now get only a mention. The origins of the Maud Nicholls Jones legend have been found and that section has been totally redone. More detailed information about Israel Aaron Broadsword, Red Cloud, Sylvester Magee and Charlie Smith has been added. Arnold Murray has been verified on new information, so his segment has been extensively reworked. The sections on William J. Bush, W.A. Kiney, James Erwin and W.W. Alexander have also been generally reshaped. Except for Maud Jones and Arnold Murray, opinions remain unchanged. A new but very unlikely possibility, Francis Healey, gains a segment which has new information on extreme old age, and looks at gullibility and credibility on that issue. References to a Palestinian in previous editions as being 124 in 2012 have been deleted on newly found evidence. Overall, several new source notes, (most from previously unused sources) are added throughout the text. This fourth edition is around eight thousand words longer than the previous version. * 19 20 Part One 21 The Developing Interest in the Last Veterans The American Civil War is one of the world’s most written about events, yet in Last of the Blue and the Gray: Old Men, Stolen Glory, and the Mystery that Outlived the Civil War (2013) journalist Richard A. Serrano has found underused aspects. Serrano investigates the claims of five of these last survivors, focusing particularly on the last three. He does treat them seriously and with caution. While websites abound on this topic, very little goes into print and most of these internet efforts focus on a particular individual. Professor Jay S. Hoar, started his interest in the topic in the late 1940s and his massive amount of work with interviews and documents went into a series of books about Civil War veterans. These must be an invaluable source as those eyewitnesses living in the 1940s and 1950s are gone and as only a few were taped for television or radio, he still must be the best source. He only interviewed one veteran, but he did meet many of their children and had access to many rare documents. Serrano works on much of the same ground, but comes from a different angle, to look at the truth in the lives of those two men who were stated to be the last veterans, one for each side. His secondary theme is the American fascination with their last few veterans. Both aspects are rapidly becoming extremely controversial in this war full of controversies. My research focuses on investigating the truth or falsehood in the claims of those aged last participants who lived after 1951, but readers should be aware of how the public fascination has shaped the evidence and how we perceive it. There is another reason for public interest: reconciliation and unity. The role of the last survivors exerts a fascination with this process. From Appomattox onwards Americans have emphasised these factors, aimed at bringing the South back into the Union. One way was through Civil War reunions where veterans from by sides met in amity. This put a focus on the old men which focuses more on individuals as they became fewer. Making them celebrities was part of the process and the public demand. Reconciliation still happens. Since the 1960s much of the process goes on racial lines and in different ways: the role of America’s blacks on both sides has long been understated. Frequently the given impression is that they were passive observers to whatever fate the war would decide: nothing can be further from the truth. The remembrance process unfolded soon after 1865 as Union veteran’s organizations coalesced into the Grand Army of the Republic. Commemorations and reunions became frequent in the 1890s and continued unabated for decades. 22 Civil War commemorations and veteran’s reunions like this 1900 Union event in Maine were frequent occurrences, particularly from the 1890s onwards. Serrano’s book is very welcome, not only because it is well written and interesting, but because it brings new knowledge. Serrano presents his opinions clearly and unlike many, does not give total credibility to either veteran’s claims or census documents. To this writer William J. Bush and William D. Townsend have proven cases for verification; he writes more sceptically about them. I wish he had dealt with more of the 1950s and 1960s claimants and think he underuses a few presented facts, but these are minor matters in a vitally important book for anyone interested in the topic. 23 Images of Reconciliation 24 25 An 1865 cartoon from the English magazine Punch 26 Veterans at a Gettysburg Reunion. As with the 1960s and twenty first century images, this 1938 photograph stresses equality through balance and symmetry; here amity replaces conflict. Equality, not peace is the empahsis on the painting below. 27 28 The 1867 Reconciliation Quilt. Made by Lucinda Ward Honstain of Brooklyn 29 An early reconciliation image The 1913 Gettysburg Reunion 30 In the 1960s images that emphasised equality between North and South were common and sometimes, like the 1930s photos, suggested an amiability. The How and Why Book of the Civil War book cover presents a classic example. In the 2000s such images gave equality a more realistic look as the picture above shows: equality could emphasise rivalry and an intensely equal hatred. 31 If this fascination and wish to believe were not enough of a problem in resolving who the last veterans were, the attention they were given, the media publicity, trips, awards and banquets added to it. Another strong motive for faking Civil War involvement emerged in the 1930s: poverty and hunger. During the Great Depression some in the South apparently falsely claimed the pensions given to Confederate veterans.2 Supporting statements by two other veterans and a declaration were usually considered enough evidence. It has been claimed that old men would sometimes gather and exchange testimonies. 3 Perhaps. Fines were often light in relation to the rewards: in Virginia for example fines ranged from twenty five dollars (which was equal to a month’s pension) to one hundred dollars with the possibility of imprisonment.4 Despite telling a few dubious memories, Albert Woolson of Minnesota is now universally credited as the last verified Union survivor of the Civil War, dying in August 1956, over three years after the last undisputed combat veteran. Official Records shows that he served as he said he did, as a drummer and bugler in Tennessee. His service lasted a year, beginning in October 1864. Many also list him as the last survivor of the Civil War, and in terms of accepted, undisputed verification they are right. In terms of creditable possibilities they are wrong. Woolson did not fight; the last Union soldier usually credited with a battlefield record was James Albert Hard of New York, who enlisted in the infantry in 1861. He died in March 1953. As with Woolson, different census records give him different birth years. There are also very good factual reasons for considering three Confederates for the title of the Civil War’s last combat veteran, two outlived Hard by months, the other by just over a year. Several others, non-combatants who had some role in the war, or claimed that they did, outlived the combatants and Woolson by years. That possibility leads to controversy and mystery: both developed over who were the last Confederate veterans. Pleasant Crump was probably the last surviving combatant in the Army of Northern Virginia. In the 1950s Pleasant Brian Hughes, quoting others. “Special Report: Who was Uncle Bill Lundy? The Man behind the debated Crestview Monument.” Crestview News Bulletin November 14th 2013. pp 1-3. 3 Mark Curenton, previous citation. p3. 4 Pension Application for a Confederate Soldier. Act 1928 Amended 1930. The warning is on the side. See online “Catalogue for Confederate and Widows Pensions.” Library of Virginia Archives. 2 32 Crump was not considered the last Confederate, as several others were claiming to be surviving Confederates and many of them were drawing pensions. Pleasant Crump. Crump was an Alabama farm boy when he met with an enlisted friend back home on furlough; Crump travelled back north with him to the front. Aged sixteen in 1864, he served in the 10th Alabama Infantry in the Army of Northern Virginia. He fought at the battle of Hatcher’s Run in late 1864. More fighting came as the Army of Northern Virginia endured the winter at the siege of Petersburg and then the last Virginian campaign as Lee broke out of the disintegrating defensive lines. Serrano identifies him as the last eyewitness to the Appomattox surrender.5 He was listed on the Army of Northern Virginia’s parole list. After the war he returned to the family home, becoming a successful farmer on thirty-eight acres of land given to him by his father in law. He lived the rest of his life in the clapboard cottage he built. He became a preacher, noted for using his rocker so much that it and the porch suffered damage. This was where he often read his bible, reading it cover to cover four times. Although he sometimes attended Confederate reunions, he harboured no bitterness against the North, but practised Christian reconciliation. Four years after his wife died he remarried. He died in the last hours of 1951, a week after his a hundred 5 Richard A. Serrano, Last of the Blue and the Gray: Old Men, Stolen Glory, and the Mystery That Outlived the Civil War. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Books, 2013. p 90. Crump is quoted. 33 and fourth birthday and the fiftieth anniversary of his first wife’s death.6 Death came just as the hoopla that was surrounding the last veterans started. He never claimed to be the last surviving Confederate veteran and almost certainly did not perceive himself that way. At the time of his death several others were claiming to be surviving Confederates (with varying degrees of veracity) were alive: almost all were believed. It would be the 1990s before the false belief that Crump was the last surviving Confederate took hold. With the May 1949 story in Life about the last living Civil War survivors nationwide interest in the veterans picked up. Then in May 1951 a similar syndicated story by Associated Press went across many American papers. In that same month the last Confederate veteran’s reunion in Virginia was staged. These two simultaneous events seem the start of this tendency to interest in the veterans. The three Civil War survivors who attended the Richmond reunion got a welcome from eleven state governors and salutations from General Omar N. Bradley and J. Edgar Hoover. Parades were dominated by the Cadets of the Virginia Military Institute, a thirteen gun salute started celebrations and a forty-eight gun salute ended them. This was done to commemorate the thirteen succeeding states and the forty-eight states then in the Union. The event hosted banquets, addresses, a river cruise, a special edition of stamps issued for the occasion and a performance from a “32 member Rockette type precision dance” group who performed to the music of Glenn Miller.7 The celebration never really ended. Many of those survivors of the 1950s would be turned into celebrities. They were made colonels in fantasy units such as the Nebraska Navy or the Confederate Air force. Men who scrawled under floors to scrounge saltpetre or stole turnips were made generals. Perhaps back in the 1860s they never wore Confederate uniforms at all, but Hollywood made a replica of the uniform Lee wore at ceremonies for veteran W.J. Bush, who declared he would be buried in it.8 Lee himself disliked such finery, usually 6 Ibid, pp 90-92; Lennard, previous citation; Almost Chosen People, previous citation. Hatley Norton Mason Jr., (Ed.) Official Program 61st and Final Reunion United Confederate Veterans. Norfolk: Ray Penner, 1951. Computer replica reprint by Sons of Confederate Veterans Georgia Division. pp 3-7 pp 15-16, p19. 8 Serrano, p92. A picture of Bush in his uniform is on p93; Other comments from Bush about being buried in his uniform and it being modelled on Robert E. Lee’s dress uniform are from ‘The Chaplain’s Report’ by Tom Fortenberry. Web page, The Rankin Dispatch. Newsletter of the Rankin Rough & Ready’s Vol. Issue 4. Brandon, Miss.; Hoar The South’s Last Boys in Gray: Last Living Chapter of the American Civil War. Salem, Massachusetts: Higginson 7 34 The May 1951 Associated Press Article Book Co, 2010.Vol. III p1693 and see also a picture of Bush in his uniform donated by his widow. 35 wearing a colonel’s dress coat.9 The old men were declared generals, given parades, flights, tours of jets, testimonial dinners, and memorials and were often interviewed. It was quite a show and they seem to have enjoyed it: at times Albert Woolson, Walter Williams, Frank H. Mayer, William J. Bush and Thomas Riddle got carried away with the euphoria and made some wild, perhaps self – satirizing or exaggerated claims. This happens in a common male practice in groups is to tell tall tales and “shoot the breeze.” The idea being that everyone joins in the joke or appear as total turkeys if they unquestioningly believe the words said. Somebody should have warned the historians. Did Thomas Riddle really expect anybody to seriously believe he buried all the Gettysburg fatalities – all thirteen of them? Other statements attempt to be more serious but are almost as unlikely. Few questioned those statements and few questioned any of the veteran’s records: with several of the 1950s veterans they should have. Until September 1959 when a journalist exposed good reasons to doubt what was claimed for Walter Williams, oral histories and family stories were usually taken at face value. Sadly, valuable and probably true oral history accounts such as those by Ross, Broadsword, Loudermilk, W.W. Alexander, Hard, Rockwell, Mayer, Woolson, Salling, Red Cloud and Sylvester Magee can no longer be taken unquestioningly, although no reason to doubt their integrity emerges. In the late 1970s the controversies over Alex Haley’s Roots (1977), Thomas Evans Riddle’s claims, John Salling’s real age and Charlie Smith’s account of his life reinforced this increasing distrust of Civil War accounts unsupported by primary source material. This tendency in Civil War history became predominant in the 1990s after a brief article about the last Confederates appeared. That article initially seemed a necessary corrective to the uncritical acceptance of old men’s stories, but like most exposés people took it uncritically and took it too far, emphatically insisting that those claiming to be surviving Confederates were fakes out for pension money because some seemed to be younger than a creditable age for Civil War service. The came close to what gist of the article was saying: that all twelve supposed Confederates who were alive after Pleasant Crump died on December 31st 1951 were fakes probably out for the pension. This idea was soon taken up Gary Gallagher, “When Lee was Mortal.” Great Commanders. Leesburg, Va.. Primedia, 2005. p24. Gallager reproduces the 1864 description given by an unnamed fellow train passenger; Mark Adkin, The Gettysburg Companion: The Complete Guide to America’s Most Famous Battle. London: Aurum, 2008. Segment p1 “Uniforms” opposite p256. 9 36 and is still run by a famous encyclopaedia, in a slightly qualified and modified form that allows most but not all are discredited fakes – the remainder remain unproven as yet either way. The result is that many writers and historians now consider the last verified Confederate veteran to be Pleasant Crump.10 They also believe that only twelve claimants survived him. Actually this article and subsequent versions or developments of it are wrong on several points. A major point of error being that all of those claiming to have been Confederate soldiers alive after Pleasant Crump’s death had some evidence for their claim. Three unmentioned women and three unmentioned men still alive after 1951 also had claims to Confederate service. Of the twelve that they do mention, three had verified enlistment documents and one of the nurses also had sufficient other evidence. Ignoring enlistment documents and that their total number came to nineteen, not thirteen were not the only mistake the encyclopaedia adapting the article made about these people. Although the encyclopaedia recently amended allegations of pension fraud from applying to all those listed to almost all, they do not mention that at least eight of them apparently probably did not even try to claim the military pension and most of these eight lived in states that did not give out payments. If they have evidence that this is not so and that they were frauds they should present it. Although their selective use of censuses did cast serious doubt on some of their stories, not one has ever been proven a fraud. Some of that favourable evidence was from censuses. The encyclopaedia did not mention that and deleted in entirety my entry that used scholarship, censuses and primary sources that presented evidence for and against verification. They replaced it with work heavily based on the 1990s article, a highly selective use of censuses and an article from a magazine involved in paranormal research, particularly flying saucers. That more recent article was heavily based on the 1990s article. Serrano’s book was also listed in the encyclopaedia as supporting their viewpoint, but in his work he only insisted one of the twelve mentioned was a fraud and did not even mention five of the others, Loudermilk, 10 See for example Tony Horowitz, Confederates in the Attic: Dispatches From the Unfinished Civil War. Rydalmere: Spectre, 1998. p9; N.H. Mallett, “The last Surviving Veterans of the American Civil War.” History in an Hour.” Posted December 15th 2013; Kitty Walker Lennard, “Pleasant Riggs Crump” Find A Grave” Feb.20th 2006; Unsigned; “Pleasant Crump” Almost Chosen People: A Blog About American History and the Development of a Great Nation. Posted April 5 2011. Military History Now Unsigned Article. “Old soldiers Meet the Last Surviving Veterans of the Civil War.” 21st March 2013. p1; Find A Grave “John B. Salling”; “Last Surviving Veterans of Historic Wars” The Modern History Blog” 20th April 2011; www.armchair general.com Nov.1st 2009. Post by John “The Humble” Nov 3rd 2009; Stormfront Website (No date). 37 Ross, Witkoski, Cumpston, or Murray. Riddle gets only an in passing mention that does not deal with his veracity.11 Lundy, Salling, Townsend and Bush get sceptical treatment, but Serrano does write that when Bush applied for his pension in 1936 the bureaucrats did eventually find his Civil War militia records.12 This is not mentioned and reads very differently to the encyclopaedia’s statement about Serrano supporting their view. That encyclopaedia refuses all of this writer’s attempts to submit evidence on the website. Two attempts were deleted so fast they probably could not have even read them. This book will show with that rejected evidence and more that at least four proven Confederate soldiers with verified Civil War era enlistment documents outlived Crump. These are William J. Bush, Arnold Murray, William Daniel Townsend, and William Albert Kiney. Others who have good evidence and outlived Crump are Thomas Edwin Ross, William Loudermilk, James Erwin, W.W. Alexander and Thomas Riddle. These five claimed Confederate combatants were without such conclusive proof as verified enlistment documents. However they all had some sort of good evidence which while inconclusive, suggested that they could easily be genuine. Several other claimed Confederate non-combatants with some evidence also outlived Crump. All of the accepted soldiers and many of the non-combatants were outlived by a Confederate nurse Sarah Rockwell who lived until late 1953. While rarely mentioned, she has adequate evidence for her service. These people deserve to be considered seriously and investigated rather than labelled frauds on thin bits of evidence much more dubious than some of the evidence in their favour. Apparently five of those mentioned combat soldiers supposed to be frauds did not even apply for pensions. This applies to others who while alive in the 1950s, were not even mentioned as Civil War participants. Errors with census usage take up pages of this book. That brief 1990s article has created a fixed image that has been widely accepted, quoted and repeated as fact by historians, writers and various people of opposing political views. Few website contributors seem to have checked the evidence or delved further into the issue. This makes the census evidence the bedrock for the topic. Controversial and thin on evidence when it appeared almost a quarter of a century past, this article has now also become outdated as well. Apart from Professor Hoar’s work in years past, just in the first half of 2014 alone four vital new pieces of primary source evidence on the topic appeared just concerning those mentioned, photographs of William Bush and Arnold Murray in Civil War uniforms, Murray’s 1910 census and an 11 12 Serrano, p85 p86. Ibid, p95. 38 interview in that year and Civil War documents and Riddle’s mention in an 1863 diary entry. Apart from new information about those mentioned in the 1990s, more claimants to Civil War service have been found and added to this work. A few serious sources used in this old article are still enough to raise serious doubts about birthdates and service in a few cases, but many of the Civil War claimants who outlived Pleasant Crump are damned as false on no other evidence than dubious, contradictory and at times ridiculously impossible censuses. The method of using censuses for verification and deleting almost any other type of evidence has spread and has an appeal. Censuses now out rate enlistment documents, muster rolls, genealogies, Civil War era documentation, photographs and other inconvenient census data as evidence. The census as ultimate proof has been taken up and has now reached the unfair stage where detailed accounts of whole lives are frequently listed as questionable or false on the basis of a single census entry. As a tactic this is clever because it looks convincing: how can somebody born in 1862 as shown in an official document possibly be a Civil War soldier? The fact that other censuses give nine different birthdates and that three of them are early enough to allow for Civil War service stays unmentioned, and therefore the possibility that he was a veteran stays unmentioned. What also vanishes with this process is the truth about censuses: they seem reliable, but they are not. Instead of getting serious consideration based in a variety of sources these individuals were labelled as mercenaries or attention seekers as part of this denigrating process. One notable example was William A. Kinney, who as it turned out did not even apply for a pension, aid or any other benefit due to veterans.13 All evidence suggests that he avoided self-seeking and personal attention. Nurses Rockwell and Carter, and soldiers Ross, Witkoski, Cumpston, and two others recently found but not listed in the encyclopaedia entry, James Erwin and W.W. Alexander, apparently also did not apply for the pension, freeload or seek attention. While applications online for the Confederate pensions are incomplete and some are still being computerised, a computer based search found no records for any of these people. Those who make the allegations should present their evidence. Bush, Murray and Townsend did get the pension, but verified enlistment documents show that they were entitled to it. 13 Jay S. Hoar, Vol. III pp 1700-1703. 39 Almost all of the veterans had at least one census where their given age made Civil War service possible. This fact rarely gets a mention by those using censuses to disprove enlistment. Child soldiers are also not mentioned to readers, even as a possibility, although there were thousands of them, the youngest were six. Fast found and emphatic answers such as those found in encyclopaedias or brief articles are often simplistic and based on fallacies and/or few facts. People who believe that censuses should be the basis for verifying military service over verified enlistment papers, photographs, scholarship and other military documents should examine censuses in more depth: the censuses reveal their own contradictions, omissions and impossibilities without any extraneous information. This book is not a crusade to prove every one of these 1950s claimants was a mighty warrior incapable of saying anything but a fully verified truth. Of the twenty nine Civil War participants listed who lived beyond 1951 only five among the Confederates are verified and some seem unverifiable at this stage, while others remain on possible or probable due to lack of conclusive evidence. Evidence against without good evidence for leads to a verdict of dubious. The eleven Union men have a higher verification rate, over half. At times suspecting fraud from claims in some veteran’s statements, I have temporarily taken the roll of an investigating prosecutor, but usually write from a different angle, more defence than investigator. Reading some of the dogmatic statements on thin evidence, outright setups and unfair and dishonest articles that are around motivated me to a defence. Even so I sometimes feel like calling for an adjournment on some of them and if they were still alive I would be saying “Find another defender!” They have them: the internet and magazine articles show that some automatically believe almost any Confederate claim, not me. Confederate Motives and Slavery To those who say “You are clearing them of being frauds, by proving them to be Confederates!” I respond with “But that is what they would have wanted –and what many people alive now still want.” I am also clearing those who fought for the Union and recording their lives. This work is not a vindication of slavery, but an attempt to find the truth in history: much of the information revealed can only be damaging, war frequently turns people into monsters, but am I defending those who fought for something despicable? In some Confederate cases yes, but everybody has the right to a defence, in law 40 and in history. The Confederates’ motives were not always simple, uniform, not always freely made and often had no direct link to slavery. In the 1850s many in the South thought and spoke like Lincoln, in that they disliked slavery, but could see no way to end it.14 They had a point. The immediate ending of slavery without a replacement plan, compensation and some type of social welfare for slaves would have led to economic and social chaos for everybody, Black and White. The British experience in the Caribbean in the 1830s and the Russian emancipation of the early 1860s demonstrated this. Lincoln’s powerful Civil War era rhetoric, combined with the genuine horrors inflicted by slavery, and later horrors inflicted by the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist organisations, creates an image of the good and noble North fighting for freedom against the evil South. When looking at the North this becomes simplistic. Until the unions and reformers started pressing for better conditions and gaining them the exploitation of the white working class and the poor in the North was also usually horrific. In some ways their lives were worse than those of the slaves, who could usually avoid hunger, overcrowded noisy tenements where sleep was a luxury and polluted air. The latter could often eventually kill: cotton lint and sulphur in factories was a major cause of fatal lung diseases. The North was not as free of extreme racism as many Civil War histories imply. In the 1850’s even Lincoln stated that the White race was superior to the Black and that this difference between the two races would “forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social equality.”15 He went on to list in practical terms things that should never happen, Black enfranchisement, the right to hold office or serve on juries and he praised Illinois’s state law which forbade marriage between black and white. Southerners also had points when criticising the North. When in July 1861 Beauregard stated that the Union armies were motivated by a desire for “booty and beauty” he was being simplistic, but the ferocious, greedy and jubilant looting of the South that was to come would prove him right about many. 16 Southerners were also often right about the abolitionists. Robert Gould Shaw knowingly sacrificed his life to end slavery and Harriet Tubman risked hers, but abolitionists seemed unconcerned about the frequently horrific exploitation of Abraham Lincoln, ‘Excerpt from a speech at Peoria, Illinois 16th October 1854. Reproduced in Select Documents: A Modern History Sourcebook. Selected and Edited by G.A. Cranfield, B.J. Dalton, and F. G. Stambrook. Sydney; McGraw-Hill, 1966. p75. 15 Abraham Lincoln, ‘Excerpt from a speech at Charleston Illinois 18th September 1858. Ibid p76. 16 Alfred H. Guernsey and Henry M. Alden, Harpers Pictorial History of The Civil War. 1866. New York; The Fairfax Press. This is an undated facsimile Edition. Beauregard quoted p147 14 41 their own working class. One of the most famous Abolitionists was a child basher who left one of his sons so badly beaten that he later died in hospital, perhaps from a disease caught there. Another famous name who could inspire with his rhetoric about whipped slaves was later found to have had a taste for whipping prostitutes. He also insisted on waving a rifle around in sermons to illustrate the point that only violence could free the slaves. He did not tell the congregation that his family name was the brand name on the rifle or why. As that rifle became Union army issue in the war he must have made money out of armaments in the war they did so much to cause. It is a commonplace in Civil War history that the war was caused by slavery with concerns over states’ rights as a secondary cause. True enough, but William Faulkner, Hamilton Basso, Margaret Mitchell and Mark Twain, all fictional writers from the South who therefore should know, come from a different angle. The reactions to the causes had as much to do with starting the war as the causes. They focus on the Southern concern with honour and a readiness to fight, even an eagerness for war and a desire to gain glory rather than suffer an imagined dishonour. The problem was not so much fear of slave rebellion enflamed by John Brown or fear of losing states’ rights. It was not even seeing their ways as being different from the North and therefore seeing themselves as a separate nation. The problem was how so many influential people saw the solution to the problem in war and could not endure a Union fort in Charleston’s harbour or Confederate attempts to possess it. For a contrast French-Canadian separatists, Czech-Slovak divisions in the 1990s and twentyfirst century Scottish nationalists have all been able to resolve their secessionist problems without recourse to war. Too many influential Americans overwhelmed those who tried to find peaceful solutions. The primacy of this idea connecting honour and glory to war and war as the solution, are also frequently expressed in documents at the time. With a different attitude or different men in high places with more diplomatic abilities they may have resolved the 1860-1861 crisis differently. Lincoln arrived months too late. The 1832 South Carolina succession crisis was not over slavery but over tariffs. It may have snowballed into an earlier version of the Civil War, but men of ability averted that crisis. If in 1860 succession was primarily caused by fears of abolishing slavery and succession led to war, by late 1864 Jefferson Davis was offering to abolish slavery in return for English support.17In 1861 the senate and Lincoln favoured 17 Amanda Foreman, A World on Fire: An Epic History of Two Nations Divided. London: Allen Lane 2010. p731 pp748-749 p749n. 42 a constitutional amendment that would prevent slavery being interfered with in those states where it already existed.18 Lincoln stated in 1863 without any ambiguity that his primary purpose was national reunification and if abolishing slavery achieved that he would abolish slavery, but if continuing slavery was necessary for national unity to be achieved, he would continue slavery as the cost.19 In the South during the second half of the war prominent people apart from Lee were calling for the widespread use of Blacks in combat roles, some were even willing to free Blacks who enlisted.20 Accounts of the black Confederate regiment training in Richmond in the final weeks of the war are commonplace, as if this is all that was intended, but the Confederates intended much more before the surrender curtailed their efforts. John B. Jones, a clerk in Richmond’s war department, kept a diary and heard much. In early 1865 he wrote that “Congress will soon likely to vote a Negro army, and their emancipation after the war – as General Lee favors it.”21 This was no token force raised by one man; Jones goes on to write that this force would number 200,000 and Judah Benjamin, high ranking Confederate cabinet member, expected 20,000 of these troops to come from Virginia.22 The war had developed into something very different from the initial dispute over the major issues of the continuing existence of slavery, fears of slave rebellion, tariffs and state’s rights: before the end the war was more about an attempt to set up a separate nation. If in 1861 the Confederate armies were numerically dominated with a combination of slave-owners protecting their human property, enlisted militias and the naïve with dreams of glory, by 1864 they were filling with conscripts and with youths and men bravely and knowingly willing to sacrifice and suffer to defend others. Naivety about war evaporated very quickly on both sides. The Confederates, while having their share of sadists, dupes and bullies (like most armies) also had (like most armies) brave and selfless men. William Townsend 18 Nelson D. Lankford, Cry Havoc! : The Crooked Road to Civil War, 1861. New York: Viking, 2007. p20. 19 Abraham Lincoln, Letter to Horace Greeley, August 22nd 1862 reproduced in The Civil War: A Treasury of Art and Literature. Editor Stephen W. Sears. New York; Macmillan, 1992. p284. 20 Patrick Cleburne, Letter to General Johnston 2nd January 1864 Civil War Trust Website. Three brigadiers and ten other high ranking officers signed Cleburne’s letter; Joseph McElroy, Jefferson Davis: The Real and the Unreal. 1937. New York: Smithmark, 1995. p404. Foreman, n731. 21 John B. Jones, A Rebel Clerk’s Diary. 1866. Edited, Annotated and Condensed by Earl Schenk Miers. Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1993. p494. 22 Ibid, pp 495-496. 43 who knowingly fought to keep his father’s slaves is matched by William Loudermilk. He said he enlisted to do his part in stopping Sherman’s devastation on civilians after seeing its effects. When Shelby Foote was asked in a television interview about why Confederates fought he recalled the situation where a poor Confederate prisoner was asked that by a Union officer and was told that he was fighting “because you are down here.”23 For many motivation was that simple. Similar to views on slavery is the politically correct but historically incorrect view seeing all the Confederate armies as Ku Klux Klan proto clavens in different uniforms. The Klan’s secretiveness makes knowing membership numbers and social composition difficult and other similar racist-terrorist organisations were active, they certainly had many members. However many influential former Confederates either stayed silent, were quietly hostile and suspicious towards the Klan or opposed them. Most of the Confederate high command would either express this hostile view or come around to such opinions, including some initial Klan members. Although he may have had some initial communication with them and spoke against the repression of the South, in 1866 Lee refused their offered leadership, told them they should be invisible (which they took what was probably the wrong way, calling themselves the Invisible Empire) made statements calling for peace and in 1869 spoke against them when they tried to set up in Virginia – and their attempt there flopped.24 Former Provost Marshall of the Army of Tennessee General Benjamin Jefferson Hill held a public rally against the Klan and former Confederates attended. He warned that he would use his former troops to defend anybody they threatened, regardless of their race or beliefs; the Klan never set up in that county.25 Senator Benjamin Harvey Hill of Georgia, one of the most influential and powerful figures in the Confederacy, stated for publication that “”The Ku Klux business… is the greatest blunder our people ever committed.”26 In 1869 Neill S. Brown previously both a Tennessee Governor and Confederate, publicly called for the Klan’s end.27 In that same year the influential Southern newspaper Avalanche accurately called the 23 Ken Burns, The Civil War. A television Documentary. Ken Burns, creator and director and contributing writer. Written by Geoffrey C. Ward. Narrated by David McCulloch. Co – producer Ric Burns. American Documentaries Inc. Firs shown September 1990. Jack Hurst, Nathan Bedford Forrest: A Biography. 1993. New York: Vintage Books, 1994. pp 286-288; Douglas Southall Freeman, R.E. Lee A Biography. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1934-1935. Vol. IV. Lee quoted. Pages numbers uncertain. 25 Unsigned article, About General Benjamin Jefferson Hill. www.geni.com/ 26 Hurst, p345. 27 Ibid, p325. 24 44 Klansmen “prowling vagabonds” and went on to list those prominent Confederates who accepted black enfranchisement: Lee, J.E. Johnston, Beauregard, Wheeler, Hood, Kirby Smith, Hampton, Alexander Stewart and two who had been high in the Klan leadership, John C. Brown and Nathan Bedford Forrest.28 The rights of blacks to vote was a cornerstone of reconstructing the new South and a feared and hated idea for the racists of the 1870s. If this is still a long way from full racial equality it also a long way from slavery. Generals Longstreet, Hampton, McLaws, Mosby and Kershaw worked for a reconstructed, more liberal south. It was a view that even Nathan Bedford Forest, a former slave trader and the first real leader of the Ku Klux Klan, came to accept and put into practice. His 1870s statements on what Blacks could achieve went beyond Lincoln’s ideas.29 This is a fact that both the very politically correct and the modern Klansmen and white supremacists have avoided for a century and a half – and they still do.30 The very politically correct concerned with Civil War and Reconstruction history also need to consider that not all Northerners in the South in the Reconstruction Era were high minded idealists working to advance Blacks. Many were, but others came to plunder the land and one legal way to do this was to demand back taxes from the beginning of the war. If the taxes were not paid the farm, property or possessions were repossessed. In the devastated South few could pay the taxes and many became embittered, desperate “prowling vagabonds” indeed. Other similar policies were the confiscation of land, the disenfranchising of former Confederates and banning them taking public offices If the Union had tried, (apart from burning their homes or killing their children in front of them) they could not have hit on surer ways of creating a reservoir of embittered manpower for the Klan. Despite such policies, many other former Confederates, probably the big majority of former soldiers, took Lee’s advice and returned to quietly build up their homes, businesses and family connections. In his well-researched novel Freedom Road Howard Fast depicts the 1870s Klansmen as sneaky and cowardly in their attacks on unarmed civilians and as a pathetic contrast to Lee’s brave troops, calmly and openly marching forward into heavy enemy fire. He emphasises that many Klansmen did little if any fighting, being prison guards, garrison troops, militia or 28 Ibid, pp332-333. Hurst devotes a whole section of his biography entitled “Penitent” to this development. See pages pp357-379. 30 Even as this was being written Klansmen and Black Activists are kept apart by police as they try to battle over a statue of Forrest put up in a Memphis park. 29 45 civilians. The first half of the 1920s would see the revived Klan at its height in numbers, power and social acceptability. It would be well into the 1960s before the Civil Rights movement eradicated the last legal vestiges of racism. * 46 This map is typical in that it overrides Civil War complexities. The Indian Territory (Now Oklahoma) and New Mexico (including what is now Arizona) were divided and saw some fighting. Perhaps as many as 180,000 to 200,000 Southerners sided with the Union. In Kentucky and Maryland for every Southerner who chose the South, two fought for the Union. Among those in regular units in Missouri it was three out of four, although those interned, Confederate raiders and irregulars there make Confederate numbers uncertain. Many Unionists were in the Appalachian sections of Tennessee and North Carolina. Around 32,000 Tennesseans fought for the Union as did 12,000 North Carolinians. Winston County, northern Alabama was one of these Unionist regions and seceded from the Confederacy. Jones County Mississippi was also strong for the Union. West Texas and Union-occupied sections of Florida each raised Union cavalry regiments. Some of the evidence goes the other way. West Virginia is usually depicted as solidly Unionist: in reality one third of the soldiers from there were for the South. They included Stonewall Jackson and Jubal Early. Delaware, while allowing slavery, stayed Unionist, but had several hundred soldiers with the South. 47 Documentation Problems: Censuses and Muster Rolls Until very recently several writers stated that those remaining old men claiming to be Confederates in the 1950s were at best possible, but their claims were usually listed as debunked, unknown or without evidence. William J. Bush’s case was the only one listed as “probable.” The main way of disproving the claimants was supposedly by age: differences between their census documents and enlistment records or statements supposedly proved their claims to be debunked. Others supposedly have no known record or conflicting records. A few are not listed in the units where they said they had served. For these reasons dogmatic or gullible people or those believing encyclopaedias without other substantiation state that all those claiming to be living Confederates after December 31st 1951 were imposters. With Witkoski, Murray, Riddle, Lundy, Salling, Williams, Baker and Charlie Smith, the censuses do provide enough evidence to cause strong doubts or at least cause reconsideration that they may have been child soldiers, but with only the last two do the censuses provide enough evidence to cause claims to be considered unauthenticated. By census standards only one Union veteran among the last eleven possible should pass standards for verification, but most do. This is not political bias or political correctness: it seems more of a firm, almost unquestioning belief in government files and information. The Union kept better records and more of them were preserved. The Southern pensions scam must also be a major factor, not to be dismissed lightly. Even so, if such standards were applied rigorously to all the number of participants in the Civil War, participant numbers would drop from millions to thousands. As has already been mentioned this work will show, the American censuses are extremely unreliable, sometimes to the point of being ridiculous. This is because they are contradictory, often clearly erroneous and contain impossibilities. Like most people I believed that the American Federal censuses were models of reliability – until I started this investigation. For starters the 1890 census which would have been important for this topic cannot be relied upon as it was burned. With those that do exist elements of their structure make for mistakes. Their method of determining age is one egregious method. People are asked for their age last birthday. This could put their written birth year out by 364 days and so lead to wrong birth years, but then this problem was exacerbated because censuses were never taken on the same day every census year. The usual range was between April and October. This could send people’s birth years askew by nearly two years. 48 A second problem concerns frequently cramped and short lines. This meant that middle names were rarely recorded. At best a middle initial might be, but often even first names were abbreviated. This problem combined with cramped handwriting, unclear abbreviations and faded ink. To give one example: important information affecting Arnold Murray’s credibility has gone unused because he supposedly did not fill out the 1910 census. He did, but somebody put a line through his first initial so he vanishes and a non-existent H. Murray replaces him. Then there are the questions, they are usually basic and not always consistent. No census before 1910 or after asked if the individual was a Civil War veteran, yes or no. Judging by the number of blank spaces in 1910 this question was unpopular and dropped. In 1930 the question was changed to one of military experience and in which war, then this question was dropped in 1940 from the main page and made a footnote - sometimes. Three of the men investigated here, Ross in 1910 and then Murray and Loudermilk who in 1930 both affirmed Civil War status, had their claims to service strengthened, while Witkoski, Riddle, Lundy, Alexander, Williams and Salling, who denied or refused to answer, had their claims weakened. Interestingly only Ross among the Confederate examined here affirmed service in 1910. This may have been about fearing a repeat of the federal and local government collecting back taxes in the South as they did in the Reconstruction era. Or did former Confederates feel uneasy about admitting military opposition to a representative of the government they opposed? Like Official Records, the census records are often used as the benchmark to prove or disprove claims, but they are also usually very brief, contradictory and are full of obvious errors. They even go into ridiculous impossibilities. The earlier major federal census was taken every ten years, usually recorded ages only in years and how precisely ages were calculated remains uncertain. At least three of the supposed Civil War survivors, Arnold Murray, John Salling and William Townsend, admitted illiteracy or being close to it, but took some part in censuses.31 Birthdays and middle names may or may not have been recorded. One of Thomas Evan Riddle’s descendants claims a birth year of 1853 because ‘Thomas Riddle’ was seven in the 1860 census, yet even on this website we are given at least two birthdates. 11th April 1858 is apparently for a son Thomas (father Elias) one year old in April 1860, then a son Thomas (father Serrano mentions Salling p136 and Townsend p75; JD Block (posted) Nancie O’Sullivan researcher, Irvin Shuler writer, “ARNOLD MURRAY Confederate Veteran Living in 1950.” 1. http://genform.genealogy.com/sc/orangeburg/messages/415.html 31 49 also Elias) is seven in April 1860. 32 Are they the same person? What is not mentioned here is the crucial information that Thomas Evans Riddle had an 1850 census reference dating his birth as April 1846. If this much ambiguity exists on a modern website… His age however, varies by a range of twentythree years in different documents. While Riddle holds the record for birth year confusion, eleven others among the last twenty nine individuals investigated here have differing birthdates spread over more than a decade. Defenders of the census will say that their information can only be as good as the informants, but have a look at some of the errors their census takers make. Names as simple as Lee, Ross, Israel, Eliza and Melissa are misspelled as is “farther”. Murray and Murry are interchangeable. William Loudermilk and his wife seldom have their names spelled correctly. These can only be errors made by the collectors. People do not age over a decade, but grow young again. Most do not have a single birth year recorded consecutively though their long lives. Thomas Evans Riddle has nine birth years, three sets of parents, was born in both Tennessee and Kentucky, has two disagreeing death certificates and two tombstones. Is numerical illiteracy among census takers at work in all these cases? Or is the problem human vanity or a dislike of government intrusions? One little noticed problem is that nineteenth century census collectors were usually not trained professionals. In his Governmentality and the Mastery of Territory in Nineteenth Century America (2000) Michael C. Hannah writes that before the Civil War some Americans were unhappy with census errors and wanted trained statisticians - and with good reason as “staffing the Census Office was a matter of political appointment” and that “the system was not immune to patronage.”33 Referring to census taking during the Reconstruction era Hannah writes that “Republican initiatives were almost wholly given over to patronage.”34 Even after legal attempts corrected government employment abuses in 1883 hiring in the census department was “exempt from regulation” and hiring was concerned with “ever more intense political pressure.”35 In an article about estimations of Civil War casualties The New York Times reporter J. David Hacker also refers to then contemporary comments about the patronage David Autry, Our Family.2/8/2009 “Above information from the research of Margret Gilbreath. File C:My documents /My Pictures/david’s family pictures/autry/Thomas evans riddle and family.jpg 33 Hannah, p35 p54. 34 Ibid p35 35 Ibid, p54. 32 50 system’s harmful effects on the accuracy of the 1870 census.36 He states that even President Grant found the 1870 census so unlikely that he ordered recounts in the cities of New York and Philadelphia and Hacker quotes the 1890 census office to the effect that the 1870 census was flawed. Estimates by how much vary, the census apparently undercounted the South’s population by around 10% and nationally by around 6.5%.37 The range of census undercounts between 1850 and 1880 varied form 6% to 3.6% in 1880, when some level of training was introduced.38 Given the combination of inadequate and simple collecting methods made by frequently inadequate collectors, all of the last verified Union veterans still alive after 1951 had problems with their real age and documentation. Marriage records, birth certificates and children’s birthdays also disprove at least some of the census data about veterans, unless we believe that at the age of nine they marry women in their twenties, are fathers by thirteen and working on long distance emergency trains aged seven. Not all the problems with the censuses can be blamed on government. Salling and Riddle in particular can barely manage to repeat the same birth year twice in a row. Only Pleasant Crump, the first of the twenty nine dealt with in this book who claimed ( or had claimed for them Civil War participation) has a clear, consistent record when it comes to birthdates, spelling of their names, the existence of their middle name or their service history. On other matters, place of birth, the irregular use of initials and middle names and the same name being used by relatives without any distinguishing differentiation, problems emerge. These causes lead to confusion in military records, family trees and census records. A similar problem emerges with the muster rolls. If the individuals being investigated were there when the unit was formed problems are usually not so extreme. They usually worsen for later enrolments. The rolls were not written up on a daily basis. At best they were added to weekly, but monthly additions and deletions were common. Sometimes these were written up every quarter and even these supposedly scheduled tasks were not always done regularly. A soldier could serve for perhaps ninety days and not be written up. If he was rejected, transferred, deserted or a casualty he might not show up in written records. If he re-enlisted he would be recorded twice, not necessarily with his J. David Hacker, ‘Recounting the Dead’ The New York Times. September 20th 2011. p3. The Opinion Pages http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/0920/recounting-the dead/? _ r=0 37 Ibid, p2 p3 p4. 38 Ibid p3. 36 51 name written the same way or with the same rank or company designation, one man, two or three? These are problems with the names recorded honestly. Another problem must be that many recruits lied about their age to enlist. Others changed middle initials, dropped them on some documents but not others, changed spellings or created entire names to avoid detection. On some muster rolls these aliases are listed, on others not. The argument that someone did not serve because they are unlisted where they claimed to be becomes less strong than it initially seems when examined closely. When searching for James Erwin who was stated as being enlisted in Forrest’s Cavalry eighteen possibilities came up. Several could be dismissed on known primary source information, but several possibilities remained – and he remained unproven. The reverse problem is that soldiers could be written up with every transfer or regimental reorganisation. One Confederate named James Erwin shows up in Official Records as three people with the same name because his unit was initially the 1st Partisan Rangers, then it was Smith’s Legion before amalgamations and reorganizing led to it becoming the 6 th Georgia Cavalry. Similarly one of his namesakes, a surgeon, was transferred through four different regiments leaving a trail of non-existent James Erwins. However one of these might really exist, a reverend – or was the surgeon also an amateur preacher, a common thing in those days? Did he therefore double his army role and enlistment papers? Or did he meet a cousin in the unit with the same name? Where two men with the same name there by coincidence or unknown synchronicity? Official Records, fleshed out a little by Lillian A. Henderson’s details, gives little more than the bare bones of the truth. People usually like certainties, not multiplying questions instead of their first one remaining unanswered. Despite this understandable desire it is best not to be certain when the evidence does not justify certainties. This becomes the problem with being certain from such sources as censuses and muster rolls. It is very easy to be dogmatic and build up apparent certainties on what look like solid pieces of evidence that are really shaky bases. * 52 The Lists of Civil war Survivors This work investigates claims for veracity: North or South does not matter, everyone has the right to be investigated and then assessed on evidence, whatever their cause. This work does consider evidence put forward by many going against verification through census evidence, but while some of this information can be valuable or of use, much of it is only causing confusion and all census records should be treated with caution, compared with others and should not be used over enlistment documents and other primary source evidence from the Civil War. My conclusions can only be more favourable than those given by unquestioning believers in the censuses. Even so, only five among the nineteen Confederates listed are verified and with three that was on verified enlistment documents. Only two of the ten listed for the Union and two Confederates are unauthenticated. Of the twenty nine individuals investigated in this work only one, Maud Nicholls Jones has been conclusively disproved and she never claimed to be in the Civil War, unknown others claimed that. Proving a Civil War enlistment usually proves to be extremely difficult. Only conclusively disproving a Civil War service remains more difficult than proving one. The firm conclusion of “debunked” is avoided because insufficient evidence exists for fraud, given the problems with the major sources, censuses and muster rolls. As will be shown these census rolls are more dubious than the claims made for service. This writer initially approached the problem from the viewpoint of a prosecutor: assuming that the claimants are frauds deserving to be debunked: despite suspicions with some, much of the evidence clearly goes against that. Not one of these twenty nine should or could be convicted for defrauding the government’s pension scheme on the evidence given for “debunked.” Even seeing them as either frauds or genuine Civil War soldiers becomes a simplistic, even invidious choice when examining evidence. For many of the twenty nine dealt with here, the reality may be more commonplace, a shade of gray, not a black or white choice between veteran or fraud, guilty or innocent verdicts. Veteran is the wrong word for many: it conjures up an image of a warrior with years of battle, of great amounts of training and military knowledge, violence and toughness. This would be true for Hard, Kiney, Bush, Broadsword Sylvester Magee and Townsend, but Mayer, Woolson, Witkoski, Loudermilk, Jones, Ross and probably Lundy, and Salling were little more than children. 53 Alexander, Erwin and Williams were actually children. Mayer, Williams, Woolson, Jones, Salling, Rockwell, Carter and Red Cloud did not fight at all. Perhaps some did some small service for their side without ever seeing an enemy soldier, let alone fighting one. The term participant accurately describes many of the last claimed survivors much better, for whatever their role, even as only passive child witnesses, they did participate in the greatest and most event in their nation’s history. They may have stood outside a Florida court house holding a musket while wearing a borrowed forage cap, guarding a building nobody attacked or walked from Texas to Alabama to enlist. They may have rounded up straying cattle in Mississippi or scrounged saltpetre from Virginia’s floorboards. Mayer may have drummed in a skirmish and Magee bugled the troops as they marched southward. Sylvester Magee may have taken a wound at Champion Hill. Broadsword may have stood behind makeshift barricades defending Lexington Missouri in 1861. Richmond nurses did wash bandages. Boys may have stood guard on South Carolina’s defences or worked the boilers in a Virginian torpedo boat. Two of them may have been water boys looking after cavalry horses in Georgia. Feeling that they had served and that they were entitled to the pensions that others got, some among them may have changed their age to qualify and gone along with those big noting their small service. Those expectations placed on them to get pensions, to please interviewers and to give precise information and give detailed accounts, created more problems than outright fraud. By frequently meeting such expectations they often muddied the waters, creating confusion, contradictions and doubts. Bush and Kiney were honest and said they could not remember many things: perhaps others tried to remember, obligingly filled in gaps with vivid stories that exaggerated and therefore lowered their credibility. Perhaps some were desperate scamps fabricating or exaggerating to survive – and some were men who lived by the Southern code of honour and would be horrified to see their reputations besmirched. Website comments reveal that many descendants intensely dislike having their grandfather’s grandfather or their family name besmirched on dubious evidence – and rightly. The list here includes the last ten Union claimants. They are listed as ‘accepted’ because their records have already been verified on enlistment documents. Civil War survivors living into the 1970s does strain credibility, but 54 if Civil War service is known to be claimed, they make the list – for assessment on evidence, not for automatic belief. Verification must be based on assessed evidence that does not leave doubts. Where there are indications of veracity without conclusive proof they are given a rating of possible which may go up to possible/ probable if no evidence of dubious claims or confused claims emerge. As nobody could be legally considered impossible that term has not been used. Identity confusion rather than calculated fraud seems likely in some cases. Given that many had names in common this is understandable. * 55 The Claimants to Civil War Service Alive on December 31st 1951 1 Pleasant Crump died December 31st 1951 CSA verified on enlistment documents 2 Felix M. Witkoski died 3rd February 1952 CSA no evidence/dubious 3 Thomas Edwin Ross died 27th March 1952 CSA confused sources/ possible 4 Douglas T. Story died 22nd April 1952 Union accepted 5 Israel Aaron Broadsword died 25th July 1952 Union accepted 6 Richard William Cumpston died 5th September 1952 CSA no evidence/unknown 7 William Loudermilk died 18th September 1952 CSA very probable 8 William Jordan Bush died 11th November 1952 CSA verified on enlistment documents 9 Arnold Murray died 26th November 1952 CSA verified on enlistment documents 10 William Allen Magee 23rd January 1953 Union accepted 11 William Townsend died 22nd February 1953 CSA verified on enlistment documents 12 James Albert Hard 12th March 1953 Union accepted 13 William Albert Kinney died 23rd June 1953 CSA verified on enlistment documents 14 James E. Erwin died 16th November 1953 CSA contradictory sources/ possible/probable 15 Sarah Frances Rockwell died 24th November 1953 CSA. verified 16 Frank H. Mayer died 12th February 1954 Union accepted 17 W.W. Alexander died 16th February 1954 CSA ambiguous evidence/ possible/probable 18 Thomas Riddle died 2nd April 1954 CSA confused and contradictory sources/ possible 19 Hattie Cook Carter died 11th January 1956 CSA, insufficient evidence/probable 20 Albert Woolson died August 2nd 1956 Union accepted 21 Louis Nicholas Baker died January 1957 Union unauthenticated/extremely unlikely 22 Maude Nicholls Jones aka Maud Martin died May 1957 CSA garbled legends/extremely unlikely 23 William Allen Lundy died 1st September 1957 CSA 24 John B. Salling died 16th March 1959 CSA unlikely as claimed in some parts insufficient evidence/confused sources/ possible 25 Walter Williams died 19th December 1959 CSA some parts are likely/others are not 26 Red Cloud died 4th October 1962 Union possible/probable 27 Sylvester Magee died 15th October 1971 Union and CSA insufficient evidence/possible 28 Francis Healey died 1977 (?) CSA 29 Charlie Smith died 5th October 1979 Union unauthenticated/unknown/ no evidence unauthenticated/ controversial evidence/very unlikely 56 Primary Source Problems Other problems with sources that apply to these twenty nine participants and veterans need investigation. The previously mentioned census problems are the major problem but at least they are obvious. Interesting, informative articles appear that seem to solve all the problems – until one looks for their sources and finds nothing. Lack of sources leads to wishful thinking that develops into opinions that are then presented as facts. Almost as bad as disallowing enlistments on censuses is accepting them on a name on a muster roll. The James Erwin case is one example. It would be so easy for this writer to accept that a man found by that name or one similar was the one searched for – until over fifty others just amongst the Confederates are also found. Even with the information that he was a cavalryman serving under Forrest the list only gets narrowed to eighteen and many cannot be definitely discounted as being the searched for man. This example cannot be considered unusual. W.W. Alexander, William J. Bush, Arnold Murray, Frank Mayer, and W.M. Loudermilk, are all examples that needed much sifting and sorting research through their namesakes. One aspect related to censuses is that of age. If some were considered too young to have served in the 1860s they were also considered too old to have lived into the 1950s – and beyond. Just as Pleasant Crump has a fixed place as the last surviving Confederate due to one article, Jeanne Calment who died in 1997 aged 122 is generally acclaimed as the world’s oldest person ever because of one encyclopaedia entry in The Guinness Book of Records. Similarly no male has lived beyond 116 according to that same source, yet five of these claimed last Civil War survivors challenge these figures. These are Hattie Cook Carter, Red Cloud, Sylvester Magee, Francis Healey and Charlie Smith. This longevity issue gets a more detailed examination in the section on Francis Healey. Computers are an obvious and massive blessing with information easily found, key words that save hours of sifting through documents and transcriptions of difficult to read old documents. So obvious! The negative side emerges as less than obvious. Source documents can be listed – and then vanish without a clue as they are removed. That has already happened in this work even before publication. Anyone can write anything on the net. Once again this is a tremendous boon – until fabrications, forgeries and unsubstantiated opinions devour time, costs and energy. The American Civil War attracts these problems more than most topics. Computers give lists that are exhausting to examine and therefore seem exhaustive, but those lists and references are not complete and it is unwise to be dogmatic from their incomplete information. 57 Due to the Union blockade paper became scarce in the Confederacy so records were not always kept, especially as the Confederacy fell apart. When central Richmond burned in April 1865 many documents burned with it.39 One eyewitness, the clerk John B. Jones, stated that the records that went up included claims of the survivors of the deceased soldiers and accounts of contractors.40 When looking at Sherman’s record of burning whole cities, including state capitols were many important archives were stored, we are left wondering what records went up in flames. Confederate muster rolls were deliberately burned at Shreveport before the May 1865 surrender.41 Confederate Naval Secretary Mallory ordered the burning of the Confederate Marine Corps records as Richmond fell.42 As early as the 1880s one historian wrote as if a minority of Confederate naval records escaped destruction.43 Lee also found that most of his communications after Gettysburg had been destroyed.44 Two of the best records of those who served the Confederacy are the parole lists from Vicksburg’s surrender and that list made of those who surrendered at Appomattox. Even the latter must have omissions, as many soldiers dropped out exhausted or deserted in the week before the surrender. Many units did have complete muster rolls, but even when existent as complete, massive problems emerge. In the chaos of the Confederacy’s last year, they were conscripting seventeen year olds, and taking younger, in one case a seven year old infantryman, so age does not necessarily determine service. Over the last year of the war they seemed to have frequently taken anybody who would serve, including jailed prisoners and cadets - in the one Georgia unit! If seventeen year olds are being conscripted, even younger boys volunteering were likely to have been regularly accepted, especially for non-combatant roles. Many of those claiming to have been amongst the last survivors stated they were in such positions. How much was truly lost among the sources remains uncertain a hundred and fifty years on. Primary source material still turns up: an Arkansas muster 39 Nelson Lankford, Richmond Burning: The Last Days of the Confederate Capitol. 2002. New York; Penquin Books, 2003. Three newspaper offices and stored legal documents were burned. Twenty blocks near the Capitol building were also burned to the ground. pp135-145. 40 John B. Jones, p529, p531. 41 Confederate Research Sources. War Between the States. An Ancestry Community, kee 46@msn.lom 42 Hoar, Vol. III p1304; J. Thomas Scharf, History of the Confederate Navy. 1887. New York; Gramercy Books, 1996. Preface. n.p. p770 note 1. 43 Scharf, Preface. 44 Douglas Southall Freeman, Lee. An Abridgement in One Volume by Richard Harwell. New York: Touchstone, 1997. p519. 58 roll found among old paper, soldiers’ diaries kept stored away, such as that of Tennessee Colonel McCavock which was found in a California attic in 2014, Civil war era photos of once supposed frauds Bush and Murray, General Pemberton’s account of his actions, family genealogies, mention of Red Cloud amongst a list of America’s longest Civil War era marriages, in passing recollections of Unionist Frank Mayer, watercolours depicting the Union Army at Antietam, a Georgia private’s account of war service written in 1916... Just on the topic of the last twenty nine veterans the information listed below has emerged within the last few years, some of it tucked away in little known cyberspace sources, some published in books and others appearing on the internet: The Civil War era photo of William J. Bush The 1913 reconstruction group photo which had Arnold Murray and perhaps Thomas Evans Riddle. An 1863 soldier’s diary in which Riddle is mentioned. Arnold Murray’s 1910 census and his UDC interview. Arnold Murray’s name on military documents from the Civil War. Simultaneous mention of both men named William A. Kinney in the 1860 census. The long accepted argument was that there was only one man with this name in Kentucky and that he was born in 1861 so Kiney could not have been a Civil War soldier. Kiney’s 1863 enlistment document in the 10th Kentucky Cavalry. An 1863 Alabama enlistment for A. Witkowski. Felix Witkoski, who is often described as a fraud claiming to be a veteran, said this was where was in 1863. A 1949 newspaper interview with W.W. Alexander, who briefly described his Civil War service. A war record of Thomas Edwin Ross. Ross’s affirmation of Civil War service in the 1910 census. Ross’s 1952 death certificate. Murray’s and Loudermilk’s affirmations of Civil War service in the 1930 census. Red Cloud’s 1950s interview mentioning his Civil War experience. 59 Obituary articles for James E. Erwin and W.W. Alexander and the latter’s brief account of his war service. Claims about Francis Healey. New assessments about the total number of casualties in the Civil War. * The military enlistment rolls were usually very basic for both sides. What individual entries contained depended on a commander’s wishes, the size of a page, the supply of paper and ink and the fussiness, energy and literacy levels of the clerks. Some entries recorded no more than a soldier’s first initial, surname, company and unit. One example is an 1863 Vicksburg parole document: W. Townsend, Company B, 27th Louisiana Infantry. If his record in Baton Rouge which reads as below (with extra information in italics) was easily found, identification would have been much easier: Private William Daniel Townsend also known as W.W. Townsend Born: April 12th 1846 Meridian Mississippi Resident: Ruston Louisiana Enlistment: Norwood September 8th 1861 Company B, 27th Louisiana Infantry. However there are also other problems. Fortunately few entitled W. Townsend appeared on lists for Louisiana Confederates. Such mercies are rare. Ten Confederates named William Loudermilk appear in records and another unlisted in Official Records as William is probably J.W.. Even so, he is named in a primary source document as William Loudermilk.45 This man gains a mention for heroic behaviour; another man with that name for desertion – and possibly they are the same man. Because ten such names appear this does not mean ten such men existed – or more are unmentioned. They are frequently listed by their initial, but the 1950s survivor who is included in this investigation seems to not be among them! There are probably at least two others, with that same identical full name. Sticking with all this Confederate family becomes worthwhile to illustrate an essential point known to all genealogists, historians and researchers of the Civil War – just how incomplete and confusing even computerised Civil War 45 Report of Lieutenant-Colonel George M. Edgar, Twenty-Sixth Virginia Infantry Battalion. White Sulphur Springs W. Va. August 29th 1863. Posted on Arkansas in the Civil War by Evelyn Rard 5/1/2009. 60 muster rolls and records are. Anyone sensible must be unwilling to dismiss any claim to service solely because a man’s name cannot be found on the muster rolls. Even Official Records cannot be complete and this is not their guardians’ fault. Two family records illustrate that fact. Seventeen Confederates with a surname Loudermilk are listed in Official Records. That looks comprehensive but it is not. The Civil War Soldiers Database lists twenty-four, including a nonexistent Raven Loudermilk. His real first and middle names were Henry and Ervine. Neither database list those recorded as officers - in Georgia and North Carolina alone. Although the Official Records compilers do mention him in their regimental histories section, Captain John Loudermilk, of the 36 th Georgia (Boyles) who was later promoted to Major two months before his death in 1864, is unlisted in the individual soldiers’ section. Also unmentioned there, are two officers from this extensive family, Captain G.N. Loudermilk enlisted 17 th July 1862 in Thomas’s Legion and 2nd Lieutenant Garner M. Loudermilk of Cherokee County who enlisted June 17th 1861 and resigned in November 1861. The omission of Garner N. becomes extremely strange when he is found to be mentioned in documents and later books due to the interest in Thomas’s Legion where he served. With the enlisted men brief research reveals at least five soldiers with the surname who do not appear in either computerized versions. Fanzie, who was perhaps a cousin to William, was executed for shooting a deserter, but does not appear in records.46 Others are named Elkanah, B, (probably Benjamin) M.M. and Hugh W., These five are not part of the problem about the use of just initials for identification. For example M.M. Loudermilk, who is not in the computerized listings, is mentioned as enlisted in a North Carolina Regiment on November 15th 1862. Another family member with the Initial M is listed in a database as serving in Confederate forces. His first name was Marion. He appears 46 Hoar, Vol. III p1689. He is mentioned in 1973 correspondence to Professor Hoar by Mrs Juanita L. Sherlin, great niece to Fanzie and William Loudermilk. 61 Garner’s enlistment document on the Georgia 36th Regiment muster roll as serving from March 11th 1862 and until July 1863, so they could not be the same man. At least three officers and at least five enlisted men who should be on the computer lists are not there. That is one quarter of the total family members shown. They were found in computerised sources, and after a brief check covering records in only two Confederate states. Four sources for these eight unlisted soldiers are not obscure or tucked away in titles that are unlikely to be noticed or have titles that seem irrelevant. They are from John W. Moore’s four volume 1882 North Carolina Troops in the War Between the States, their family tree, Professor Hoar’s The South’s Last Boy’s in Gray and Lillian A. Henderson’s five volume collection originally compiled in 1959-1964 Roster of the Confederate Soldiers of Georgia. All three books and the genealogy provide much more information for free than many computerised sources, such as full names, date and place of enlistment and discharge, paroles, transfers, hospitalisation and resignations and casualties. Henderson’s work does list desertions and absences, but Moore’s does not. W.W. Alexander of North Carolina supplies another revealing example. Official Records list six Confederates by this name from various other states, but not one comes from North Carolina. After an informant who had found a namesake corrected me and gave a website I used the option ‘U.S. Civil War Soldiers 1861-1865’ in Ancestry.com This gives well over six individuals limited to the tight definition of W.W. Alexander of North Carolina. Nonexistence often gets used as evidence, but it seems dubious, even when carefully examined and prepared. When Life began preparing their 1949 story on the last Civil War veterans, starting with government files, but were amazed to find old 62 veterans the government did not know of. They presented photos of what they considered was a complete list of sixty-eight, but of those dealt with here, fifteen, Witkoski, Ross, Cumpston, Baker, Kiney, Erwin, Rockwell, Alexander, Mayer, Carter, Baker, Jones, Red Cloud, Sylvester Magee and Charlie Smith were absent, over half in this work, so how should their absence be interpreted? Was this evasion, fakery, non-existence, as causing suspicions of their truthfulness, a dislike of publicity, shame about wartime actions, a dislike of war, modesty or just unintended omissions by Life? Another problem concerns the brevity of newspaper interviews and their omissions. The only reasons we know anything at all of the claims to Civil War service for W.W. Alexander, James E. Erwin and Red Cloud is because each of these people were the subject of one newspaper story that can still be found several decades later. With Loudermilk, Murray, Townsend, Broadsword, Bush and Kinney much of what we know comes from annoyingly brief newspaper stories. Not all problems are sins of omission. Ironically the claimant who got the most media coverage, who had his memoirs published and was even the subject of a film, had the strongest evidence against him. Deceit and trickery, expediency, white lies and bent truth had other forms. Runaways and deserters changed names, initials and ages. They seemed to have hoped to confuse officialdom by changing spellings or middle names and initials. Henry Ervine Loudermilk upon being captured for a second time, heard that if a Confederate was exchanged for a second time he was shot on his return – so he changed his name to hide himself with the gloriously conspicuous title Raven Loudermilk. He returned or was forcibly returned to his old unit. Going by records, seemingly both Henry and Raven served.47 Men on furlough often found themselves behind advanced enemy lines and unable to return were listed as missing or deserted.48 With absences without leave, runaways, desertions, freed jailbirds, escaped slaves and odd reasons like those of Raven/Henry, the records are permeated with falsehoods, ambiguities and puzzles. While this probably does not apply to any of those men just mentioned, until December 1863 Confederates paid bounties for men to enlist and some 47 Loudermilk Lineage. http://www.eloudermilk. Com/Loudermilk.htm 1. No author credited. 48 Unsigned introductory note to Muster Roll of the Kentucky Volunteers. 63 made a career of enlisting, then deserting and enlisting again, probably leaving a paper trail of names.49 Elvis Presley’s maternal great-great-grandfather was one such.50 Others were discharged, then reenlisted or were conscripted into different units. Others simply left before transfers were finalised and it is not always clear what they did after – or even if they transferred.51 Felix Witkoski provides another example. Nobody named Witkoski turned up in Confederate service in the official and much used databases. Even so, someone with an almost identical surname was listed by a clerk with low level language skills as being in Alabama’s Coffee County Home Guards in 1863. This was the state where Witkoski said he had served and the year he said his service started. Confusion becomes creative with Georgians named either William Bush or William J. Bush. In the Official Records lists two Confederate Georgians named that way. Another William Bush appears in the 2nd Georgia Militia. Then in the Georgia Civil War Soldiers Index four men with this name appear, all of them in different Georgia units. One might be the father of the man who lived until 1952. Two more appear in the Ramah Guards, Benjamin H. Bush and his cousin W.J. Bush, who is William Jordan Bush. This looks like being helpful, but it is quite possible this man appears three, maybe four times in different units. The same man sometimes has the middle name Jordan and sometimes Joshua. Only three of these men are definitely NOT this same man with the middle name confusion. This is by no means the most confused, confusing and contradictory example. There is also a problem known to all genealogists: ancestors/descendants, grandfathers, fathers, sons and cousins will frequently all have the same name Two Confederate cousins called William Murphy Loudermilk appear in the family genealogy. Another with that exact name appears as listed in Official Records serving in the Union Army. Others enlisted with that same surname appear with the initials William M or W.M.. It sometimes happens that a younger son will be given the same name as a dead sibling. Census records are an even worse morass, than those just listed and should never be used as a strong and clear pathway through the problems with muster rolls and other primary sources. 49 James M. McPherson. pp 431-432. Albert Goldman, Elvis. London; Allen Lane, 1981. pp 55-56. 51 Unsigned introductory note to Muster Roll of the Kentucky Volunteers. 50 64 Not only documents create problems: people can: to make a comparison, Australian history students at High School level were given the task of interviewing World War One veterans from at least the 1960s into the middle 1980s. I interviewed my grandfather in 1966. He spared me much of war’s peculiar mixture of horror and dreariness. I also checked a student’s interview twenty years later. However things changed by 1989, when as a teacher I was told the interviews were over. The veterans who could remember in the 1960s usually could not remember things very well anymore, were embarrassed by that and did not want to recall the horrors and dreariness they had endured. Amazingly many writers assume incredible feats of memory as commonplace for Civil War veterans, but how many of us can remember our classmates, supervisors, workmates, accountants, tradesmen, organisations, locales, or bureaucratic numbers from a decade or two back? And yet veterans were asked to recall similar details from around sixty to ninety years before and if errors were made this should apparently cause suspicion. What should be more suspicious would be perfectly remembered dull details, especially if combined with connections to legendary figures, famous events and great and heroic deeds. The frequently erroneous, or fragmentary and sometimes vague nature of recalled veteran’s memories both in Australian WW1 veterans in the 1980s and Civil War veterans in the 1950s demonstrates this point. Rarely in the 1950s did Civil War veterans or survivors give a coherent, very detailed, long account that goes from enlistment to war’s end. Few speak of the realities of actual warfare in detail. The mind blocks out details that were too horrific to remember or recalls them briefly and then goes elsewhere. Bush seems to have done this in his 1949 interview when asked did they have target practice in training? He replied that bullets were too scarce and were kept for killing Yankees, but most of the fighting was done hand to hand.52 His interview then went elsewhere. Unlike this example veterans were often interviewed in reunions that were celebratory and conciliatory: hardly the right place to discuss enduring dysentery, burying cholera victims, enduring bullying officers, burning homes or bayoneting the enemy. Many were not just victims, they would have wanted to pass over what they had done or for a time became. Thomas E. Ross (not the Kentucky cavalryman/naval powder monkey/marine cadet) probably started out believing Wyilly Folk St. John. ‘Georgia’s Last Confederate’ April 24th 1949. The interview is reproduced in William Joshua Bush (1845-1952) Find A Grave Memorial. 52 65 he was joining the Home Guard to do just what that organization’s title suggests. He ended up a guard at Salisbury Prison, worse even than Andersonville. A 1990s estimate of the fatalities there was 11,700. Many were shot by their guards on the slightest pretext.53 Magee, Mayer and Broadsword started as patriots and ended up as men forcibly dispossessing Indians: they enlisted to free the Black Man and soldiered on to enslave the Red Man. The aged, modest Kinney who liked playing dominoes and who quietly took part in his Bible study class was once one of the feared Morgan’s Raiders. As a 1860s teenager Albert Woolson enthusiastically learned to kill with a musket so he could hopefully serve in the infantry: in old age he delighted in entertaining children with music. Similarly, popular William Townsend who in old age loved to dance and play the fiddle at socials and entertained hospital patients with his music to cheer them, stated that he once rode for the Ku Klux Klan in the Reconstruction period. His statement is ambiguous: does that mean he rode for them only once and then renounced them or that once, long ago, he rode with the Klan?54 Whatever his mistakes he seems among the most honest and consistent. He admitted that he thought of leaving the war and he described its misery and that he was not reconciled to “the Yankees” until a 1951 get together.55 Veterans were supposed to present an image of mutual respect and forgiveness. Interviewers were also either sensitive to elderly veterans’ feelings or sensitive to their reader’s desires: the media’s clientele usually did not want to read unpleasant stories about war and they did not get them. These are the egregious problems with primary sources. Problems with Age and the child Soldiers Those who use censuses to disprove or cast doubt on claimed service in the Civil War have a few valid cases, but overall rejecting such claims because censuses show some claimant was an adolescent or even younger comes across as at best fallacious, and definitely misleading. Several specialist books have been written on the topic of child soldiers based on primary sources and each of them disprove that idea. Another problem is how we see their world. Childhood 53 Horowitz pp20-21. An unsigned Obituary Article Lewiston Evening Journal. Feb 23rd 1953. Computer Edition. Google News Archive Search; Serrano, p74; His popularity and behaviour at socials was mentioned a few years ago in a now vanished website. It also mentioned the hospital visits Serrano refers to. Hoar also mentions this and reproduces a photo showing Townsend entertaining veterans at a Shreveport hospital. Vol. III p1699; See also Eric C. Brock. “Shreveport’s Last Confederates” undated newspaper story. Ancestry .com William Townsend Collection Type for date: 1953 type for place: Louisiana. 55 Unsigned article, Lewiston Evening Journal Feb 23rd 1953. 54 66 ended early in the nineteenth century. Among the sceptics the age factor keeps coming up. Witkoski, Alexander, Loudermilk, Bush, Murray, Townsend, Rockwell, Mayer, Lundy, Salling and Williams are continuously rejected as being too young to have been in the war, as if proving their age disproves their war record. This is seeing the Civil War military world through the eyes of the twenty-first century Western world. The 1963 Walt Disney film Johnny Shiloh, focusing on nine year old drummer boy Johnny Clem, was perhaps the last admiring portrayal of a Civil War child soldier. We are horrified by the idea of child soldiers, but were Americans in the 1860s? Reading through Susan R. Hull’s collection of primary sources on this topic, the usual Confederate responses include admiration and family pride as much as mourning, but never horror or disapproval, outrage or a questioning of why boys had to suffer or die. This was apparently not because of fears of being labelled disloyal or suffering the severe punishments and ostracism frequently dealt out to those suspected of disloyalty in the Confederacy. Hull’s work was published forty years after the Confederacy fell, and while much source material was from the war, she frequently using her aged contemporaries’ correspondence for research and revealed her own attitudes. They lived in a world where duty, courage and honour were everything and death through selfsacrifice led to glory. Both old and recent evidence exists showing that substantial numbers of boy soldiers in both armies. Wiley Bell’s investigations of 11,000 Confederate enlistments in 1861/1862 found only one thirteen year old, but this was early in the war, and many lied about their age. 56 One fourteen to fifteen year old who did not make that list was Riley Crawford. After his father was shot by Jayhawkers his mother took him to Quantrill and asked him to make a guerrilla of Riley. He served and survived over a year before being killed.57 More evidence for service emerges concerning fourteen year olds. In 1863 Hull noted enlistments of boy soldiers. She collected information about them which in 1905 was published as Boy Soldiers of the Confederacy. She wrote of one boy soldier aged eleven and Roger K. Hux, “Was Arnold Murray really the Last Confederate Veteran?” The State Magazine. April 12 1981. p11. 57 William Pennington, Roster of Quantrill’s Anderson’s and Todd’s Guerrillas and other Missouri Jewels.” penningtons tripod com/roster htm; Unsigned, The Missouri Partisan Rangers Roster of Known Members of William C. Quantrill William T. Anderson, George M. Todd and John Thrailkill. http://www.rulen.com/partisan/roster.htm. This website was put together by the curators and staff of the Missouri Partisan Ranger Virtual Museum using a wide variety of primary and secondary sources. See also the website Riley Crawford. This website gives him a slightly older age; his tombstone suggests he died aged sixteen. 56 67 several were twelve or thirteen and quotes information about another, a ten year old, George Lamkin.58 Professor Hoar in his Callow Brave and True: A Gospel of Civil War Youth (1999) lists precise details of those known youngsters under eleven who enlisted and served either side in some way: thirty-one names appear and as he states, there were clearly more who we do not know of.59 Susan Hull mentions about a hundred individuals, excluding groups - and while the majority are from around sixteen to eighteen, she mentions many younger than that. She does not mention that they were not always volunteers. J.A. Marcum recalled how at age eleven in September 1863 while he was near his home he was picked up by a scout to be a guide, but was rapidly given a gun and sent up to Virginia to serve in Lee’s infantry.60 Similarly Martin Luther Peters spoke of how he and all the other boys and old men in his area were conscripted in 1863 by visiting recruiters and how they killed enemy soldiers. For him this was at the age of fourteen.61 Both these stories may or may not have been exceptional, but the only reason both got into print was because both men lived to be the second oldest acknowledged Confederate in their respective states and so got newspaper interviews in old age. This tendency to take youngsters worsened as the war dragged on. Using child soldiers was widespread and not limited to non-combatant roles. Rebecca Beatrice Brooks estimates that 20% of all Civil War soldiers were under eighteen and a hundred thousand Union soldiers were under fifteen.62 The child soldiers often formed groups, several examples support this concept. Musicians, especially drummers and fifers, usually look very young in group photographs. The participation of Virginia Military Institute cadets at the battle of Monocracy is well documented, although other groups and units acted similarly, as Hull documents. The 1st Arkansas was recruited in the age group of fourteen to nineteen with their parent’s approval – and this was early in the war.63 This was 58 Susan R. Hull, Introduction p14. Boy Soldiers of the Confederacy. New York; The Neale Publishing Company, 1905. She reproduces accounts from the war years which mention a ten year old, George Lamkin p228. 59 Hoar, Callow Brave and True: a Gospel of Civil War Youth. p227 and his The South’s Last Boys in Gray. Vol. III pp1733-1734. 60 Unsigned obituary article, “J.A. Marcum, Gray Veteran, Passes at 98.” The Anniston Star. May 27th 1951. p1. 61 Hoar, Vol. III. pp1679-1680. Quoting a passage from Bruce Goodpasture, ‘Bristol’s Last Confederate Vet Recalls Past 99 years” The Bristol Herald-Courier. Virginia c1948. p6B 62 Brooks, ‘Child Soldiers in the Civil War.’ Civil War Saga A Blog of the American Civil War. Civilwarsaga.com/child-soldiers –in-the-civil-war Civilwarsaga.com/child-soldiers –inthe-civil-war p1. 63 Hull, quoting contemporary accounts p231. 68 no home front unit; from First Bull Run to Johnston’s surrender this regiment was continually fighting. When Caspar Ricks joined a company of couriers at Shreveport he found that although he was the youngest at twelve, none were over fifteen.64 Hull’s cousin, eyewitness and example Thos D. Ranson assisted with information, giving several examples of boys in the fighting who were under fifteen. He also stated Baker’s Light Horse was made up almost entirely of boys at first and concludes his letter with “I hardly ever saw a fight without seeing boys at the front.” 65 Several scattered in passing references to boy soldiers show how they were seen differently to how we see them. Mrs Crawford may have been an extreme example rather than an isolated case. James E. Erwin perhaps rode with Nathan Bedford Forrest when aged thirteen. While six year old James V. Johnston was visiting his father, the captain of the gunboat Forest Rose in supposedly peaceful waters on the Mississippi, the Confederates attacked. When the powder monkey was killed James took his place in the conflict. He was awarded the dead boy’s suit in admiration by the crew and was proudly photographed. He must surely be the youngest Civil War combatant.66 David Bailey enlisted in the 6th Georgia Cavalry in 1861 aged barely eleven and stayed three years. This was before Georgia was invaded and there seemed no dire necessity. The comment was that “Little Dave” made a good soldier.67 Willie Bush of Indiana was made a corporal by his surgeon father at the age of six and a half. They served together at Elmira prison camp.68 Professor Hoar lists five Confederates aged six or seven at the beginning of their service and also Missouri Unionist Charles Knecht, a seven year old musician.69 W.W. Alexander, probably born in July 1856, seems to have had Confederate service that must have ended before he turned nine. Nathaniel Jackson Williams aged about ten, led a group of boys aged between seven and fourteen who served as home guards in Georgia: some of them later went into battle.70 Two newly revealed child soldiers on websites are Alex Gillenwater and Andrew Jackson Botts. Alex Gillenwater was seven years old when he enlisted in the 45th 64 Hoar, Callow Brave and True p130. Hicks is quoted. Hull, Ranson’s letter of 1904. pp 150-151. 66 The Missouri History Museum. http:’’www.civilwarmo.org/gallery/item/CWMO111?nojs+1 67 D.B. Freeman “Little Dave Our Youngest Soldier” Civil War Family 14 January 2014. He had at least one ten year old rival for that title, George Lamkin - and others even younger. 68 Hoar, Callow Brave and True, pp138-143. 69 Hoar Vol. III p1733; For Knecht see Callow Brave and True, p138 pp228-229. 70 Unsigned article, ‘Remembering Georgia’s Youngest Rebel and Louvale Reunion.’ Stewart-Webster Journal May 30th 1996. n.p. 65 69 Virginia Infantry in May 1861; nobody must have successfully objected as he served four years.71 Similarly veteran Andrew Jackson Botts was present as a soldier at the war’s end aged thirteen.72 The memoirs of fourteen year old runaway and Missouri soldier Johnny Wickersham are a primary source for the experience of wartime service.73 Israel Aaron Broadsword was probably fighting for the Union aged fourteen in 1861 and said that he had been enrolled in a Union militia two years before. Two Congressional Medal of Honour winners, Orion Howe and John Cook, were respectively fourteen and fifteen. Sixteen other recipients were under eighteen.74 Runaway Johnny Clem was believed to be nine when he first tried joining Union forces and was promoted to officer rank at twelve, being considered a hero for supposedly killing a Confederate colonel who was advising him to lower his gun.75 A seventeen year old spy was hanged in different circumstances elsewhere.76 Union raider General Dahlgren was shot by “a mere boy.”77 General Joseph Johnston, realising he would soon surrender his army, pardoned the last deserter facing execution, a fourteen year old and one of the last two Confederates killed on the day Lee surrendered was also fourteen.78 Estimates vary widely as one estimate of Union enlistments under eighteen at over ten thousand while Brooks previously mentioned figure is ten times that.79 While fourteen seems to be the age at which boy enlistments became more common, scant scattered and ambiguous information and frequently told lies to gain enlistment mean the numbers below this age are unknown. Now children and adolescents lying about their age will usually be found out in minutes by pressing a few computer buttons that give pages of facts, DNA, fingerprints and photographs. Then both armies contained many runaways lying about their age – and how could people check back then? Posting by Richard Gillenwater, July 4th 2013 on ‘Leave a Reply.’ See Brooks, ‘Child Soldiers of the Civil War’ Civil War Saga: A Blog of the American Civil War. Civilwarsaga.com/child-soldiers –in-the-civil-war p6. He is also listed in Ancestry.com ‘Civil War Soldiers 1861-1865’ in the same regiment as stated by his descendant. 72 Posting by Andrew Botts, He cites Civil War records. See Brooks, previous citation. 73 Uncredited seller’s description. Johnny Wickersham, Boy Soldier of the Confederacy: The Memoir of Johnny Wickersham 1915. New Edition Ed. Kathleen Gorman. n.p.: Southern Illinois University Press, 2006. www.walmart.com/msharbor/ip25663374 74 Brooks, ‘Child Soldiers of the Civil War’ previous citation. 75 Pat McNamara, Johnny Clem “The Drummer Boy of Chickamauga.” Posted Sept7. 2011; Brooks, ‘Child Soldiers of the Civil War’ previous citation. Pp1-2 She puts his age at eleven. 76 Freeman, previous citation. 77 Hull, p15. 78 Ken Burns, The Civil War. 79 McNamara, Johnny Clem “The Drummer Boy of Chickamauga”; Brooks. ‘Child Soldiers of the Civil War’p1. 71 70 Letters or riders were the only form of communication and took weeks. A second problem would be that who wanted to check when expectations for both sides were that units would be filled? The South’s manpower resources were running down and they were fighting for their survival: this made them accept almost anybody. After the battle of Griswoldville in November 1864 a Union colonel walked among the Confederate dead and concluded that they were either old men or boys under fifteen.80 The average age for Confederate soldiers is usually put at nineteen to twenty-six, given the descriptions of elderly men in the militia this widens the lower end of the range considerably. The website “Images of Confederate Boy Soldiers” displays well over forty individuals who are obviously boys in their middle teens or younger. Going by appearances some of these are musicians, look around ten years old, some must be even younger. Others are dressed as fighters, but often this might be a pose for the camera, perhaps not. While there are some statistical evidence for Union enlistments, even rough estimates of how many boy Confederates served are difficult to make, although clearly there were many. Rejecting Witkoski, Ross, Loudermilk, Bush, Townsend, Murray, Erwin, Rockwell, W.W. Alexander, Lundy, Salling and Williams as being too young to have been in the war because they were born between the late 1840s and well into the 1850s does not square with the obvious reality of enlistments and auxiliaries in the armies of the Civil War. * Richard J. Lenz, The Civil War in Georgia, An Illustrated Traveller’s Guide. Colonel Charles Wills quoted p2. 80 71 The Child Soldiers The photographs below illustrate the point made by Hull, Hoar and Brooks and others: boy soldiers were common and many were fighters. Johnny Clem. He was eight or nine when enlisted in the Union Army . Tad Lincoln 72 A North Carolina Infantryman Captain Marcellus Jerome Clarke. A Kentucky raider, he was hanged aged twenty in March 1865 after four years of service to the Confederacy . 73 Arnold Murray of South Carolina, perhaps as young as ten or eleven. However this photo suggests that he was probably in his middle teens, even eighteen when it was taken. . David Wood. Orderly and sutler for the 6 Missouri. He was not yet fourteen when the war ended. th 74 This photo of a junior Confederate in cavalry outfit was taken in Nashville, which probably means early in the war as the city fell to Grant in early 1862. It is uncertain if he was playing in costume or was really enlisted. Is that pistol real or a toy? He looks closer to five than ten. 75 This is unmistakeably an infantryman. The good state of his equipment suggests that he is about to leave for the front, probably in the war’s early stages. 76 The wide brim hat with fur or feathers, the pistol and sabre all show that this Alabama boy served as a cavalryman. 77 An unknown Confederate boy soldier 78 This unknown Confederate’s coat has the strong shoulder straps and collar suggest an officer, but the jacket looks oversized, did he borrow or hire it out because he wanted to impress his family or sweetheart? 79 The stylish wide brim hat, cravat and neat jacket suggest that this Confederate boy came from a well off family 80 Union drummer boys and a fifer. As each infantry regiment usually had a band they number of boys serving must have been high. How many adult enlistments are listed as drummers, fifers, buglers or trumpeters? A young Union soldier, possessing a pistol suggests he was a cavalryman 81 Private Edwin Jemison of Louisiana, aged about sixteen at the time of his death. He was killed at the battle of Malvern Hill in July 1862. This image is often used to demonstrate the tragedy of the Civil War – and rightly. 82 This nine year old boy ran off to serve in his father’s Kansas regiment. He was kept on as his father’s orderly and was fortunate to survive malaria. 83 James Carson Elliot. This North Carolina infantryman turned twenty the year the war ended. He wrote a book about his wartime experiences: A Southern Soldier Boy: A Thousand Shots for the Confedracy. 84 James M. Lurvey of New Hampshire aged 14 in the inset and at 101. He was the last survivor of Gettysburg 85 All three of these Union boys were nine when separately enlisted as musicians in different units.Their photographs and that of Lurvey are from Jay S. Hoar’s Callow Brave and True: a Gospel of Civil War Youth. Courtesy of the author Top left: Joseph N. Fissell of Ohio. Top Right C. Perry Byam of Iowa. Bottom Albert Corydon White of Ohio. 86 Not all boy soldiers were enthusiastic volunteers. Their masters were often puzzled, asking others why their slave ran away. * 87 Problems with Perceptions: We initially see records of the military world as this huge, efficient machine, but a prolonged examination shows that view to be seldom so. In reality it is an attempt to impose order on a massive and chaotic process. Not only America’s Official Records are incomplete and contain errors. An Australian veteran in his nineties, Mr Parke, recently appeared on television news with his investigation which revealed that in Queensland, his state, of the 125,000 WW2 enlistments around 10% contained misinformation, mistakes and omissions. He estimated that another 5,000 to 7,000 in his state were not listed at all. The government department admitted this was so and said they had a team still working on the problem.81 When I investigated four enlisted brothers from New South Wales, very distant maternal relatives, three were accurately recorded, but the fourth, was mentioned as missing in action while serving with Canadian paratroopers in Normandy in 1944. This did happen to many in the Normandy campaign who parachuted over marshes and the sea, weighed down by their packs, many were never found.82 His records did not turn up in Canadian or Australian records, despite a thorough professional search. In modern history Russian records for WW1 may be the worst, they are so fragmentary and basic that their casualty rates cannot be reliably calculated. We also see a lack of records or imprecise records for individuals as suspicious, but few among those investigated filled out a census every decade and fewer were consistent with birthdates and their age. The census collectors may have been rushed, or given misleading information or just did not get it, then as now people do not like government prying into their lives. While researching even the 1940 census it was amazing to see how many elderly people would place “about” before their birth year. Away from the towns, books, paper, clocks and calendars were rarer than we might appreciate and people valued daylight and seasons for productivity more than dates. Children were valued workers and schools were often rare and not compulsory. These factors made for high illiteracy rates and rare and basic records that were often inexact. We are examining a society with very different priorities: the emphasis 81 ABC News 7:30 p.m. November 29th 2014. Australian Broadcasting Commission William Manchester and Paul Reid, The Last Lion: Winston Spencer Churchill Defender of the Realm 1940-1965.New York; Little Brown and Company, 2012. p840. Eisenhower is given as the primary source. 82 88 on efficiency and information we value as essential was not in their lives, but we look for it in their records. A bigger problem must be the increasing commercialisation of history, along with everything else in life. Several of the claimants dealt with here could have had more detailed information, but access to computerised documents is becoming increasingly a business, making history a rich kid’s game. The implications of this commercialisation are enormous. Now that the primary sources are owned, how long is it before companies own the facts they contain and we must pay for them or be accused of stealing “their” copyrighted facts? In a world where seeds are copyrighted and advertisements target three year olds, anything becomes possible. Once courts decide that corporations own the basis for writing history, how long will it be before all history reflects the corporate mentality? Lee also had a point, he started writing his memoirs, but seeing the early days of the commercialisation of Civil War history, he said that he refused to profit by the sufferings and death of his men. Fortunately there are still many like the contributors to this book, historians, descendants, archivists and reenactors who gave time and information freely. Objectivity is indeed another problem but the effort must be made. On u tube, in photographs, interviews and books, several of the claimants come across as likeable and endearing; who wants to expose them as liars and frauds? Not me. I take their claims seriously, but do investigate, hoping to find the evidence needed to prove them to be what they said they were. Even so, a tendency to be biased in their favour stays under control. Unlike some enthusiasts on some websites I want more proof than their say so and I do not ignore, belittle or downplay evidence against them, but also take that seriously. The reader will find dozens of pieces of evidence against their claims that have not been explained away. Like most, I dislike giving credibility to con-artists: if the proof was irrefutable it would be revealed, but not one of them has that definite proof against them so far. As already mentioned apart from the Union men already accepted several other claimants range from possible to probable. Of the nineteen Confederate claimants after Crump, only five have sufficient proof to say that they definitely served. Serrano does not discuss Witkoski, Ross, Murray, Kiney, Erwin, Riddle, Alexander, Carter or Rockwell and with Bush and Townsend suggest that both are uncertain. On that point I disagree. Another he does not mention, but who appears to be very probable is William Murphy Loudermilk. Also not mentioned are Arnold Murray who also has an interesting case that eventually led me to verification and William A. Kiney of Kentucky. Kiney was the last 89 proven combatant. The last two Confederates who can be considered verifiable were nurses, Sarah Rockwell and Hattie Cook Carter. Most of the Confederates get longer, more detailed coverage because their claims are more controversial and rely on evidence that is often less clear than for the Union enlistments. Although the individual Union records usually also contain contradictory and uncertain evidence, they contain less. They also usually have enlistment documents that verify them in official records: verification means less needs to be written. From the evidence available, the last four listed combatants, who can be identified with certainty, all died in the first half of 1953. After them two teenagers at the time, Union enlistments Albert Woolson and Frank H. Mayer, both non-combatants, can be definitely accepted as participants in the Civil War with verified enlistment documents, although several others are extremely likely to have had some participatory role. * 90 91 Part Two 92 William Daniel Townsend, William J. Bush and John Salling together at the 1951 Confederate reunion in Richmond. The three men got on well together and although Salling felt the trip would be exhausting, and did not go, the other two would meet up in New Orleans in the following year. Their facial expressions here go against the reports of them enjoying the festivities, but perhaps they were tired when the cameraman arrived. 93 Four of the last verified Union veterans and their chronicler 94 Felix M. Witkoski. Also aka Felix Mitkoski, and also perhaps aka A. Witkowski Result: His Confederate service is possible but dubious. Date of Birth: January 1850. Possibly 1852 or October 1854. Date of Death: 3rd February 1952. Age at enlistment: uncertain, twelve or perhaps nine. Rank: (claimed) water boy and then perhaps a private or a sharpshooter. Unit: (claimed) 53RD Alabama Infantry (which was actually a cavalry unit) the 53rd Partisan Rangers. Perhaps the Coffee County Guards and then perhaps the 9th South Carolina Infantry. Service: He claimed to be a water boy from 1863 and eventually a soldier, a scout and a sharpshooter. Combat Experience: He claimed combat experience from Chattanooga and Missionary Ridge and the battles for Atlanta till the war’s end. He claimed that he was badly wounded in the stomach at Atlanta. Evidence of Service apart from his own accounts. His name does not appear in the Official Records, The Civil War Soldier’s Database, Ancestry.com military records, known muster rolls or anywhere else, but an A.Witkowski does appear in an Alabama Home Guard service record and then in the 9th South Carolina Infantry. This man’s war record almost exactly matches Loudermilk’s account on several points. His age, running away, being wounded at Atlanta, differing cavalry units, scouting for General Wheeler and where they came from are the only divergent points. In census documents from 1910, 1920, 1930 and 1940 Felix Witkoski claimed to have been born in Texas in January 1850, but he 95 supposedly also gave a birthdate of 1854 in the 1900 Census. His detractors state that his brother was born in Poland in 1864, so the family must have migrated from there after this. They also state that Felix was probably born about 1854 in time to be sixteen for the 1870 census where he appears. Maybe. Another possibility is that to flee the Civil War the Witkoski family fled back to Poland and returned to America later. Witkoski did claim that after the Civil War he returned home to find his family gone. The port of Galveston was open for the Confederacy from New Years’ Day 1863 until June 1865. New Orleans was open after the Union captured the city in April 1862. With this individual the believers that the censuses disprove all claimants to Confederate Civil War service have a strong, if ultimately inconclusive case – if the censuses are accurate and evidence for that is needed. An official from the United Daughters of the Confederacy described how Witkoski “had many newspaper clippings to verify his stories.” In the context of her reproduced recollections this may refer to only his mining activities in the 1890s, which a hostile source describes as possible but just a story told much later.83 The United daughters of the Confederacy had much to do with him, and did not accept everybody who claimed Confederate service, yet they accepted him. Witkoski might be a spurious candidate for Civil War service as some state, but he cannot be accepted as such when census sources (just like enlistments) seem to say nothing at all about him because his records are not easily found where they should be. Evidence for his side seems almost as rare. No record anywhere so far, has revealed a Witkoski or a Mitkoski (as he is misnamed in the 1930 census) as a Confederate soldier and several reputable databases and muster rolls had been checked, including both units called the 53rd Alabama. He claimed to have tried to join a Texan unit. After being rejected he walked for five months to Montgomery Alabama where he served as a water boy in the 53rd Alabama for the officer’s horses and eventually became a fighting soldier, a sharpshooter. He said he was later a scout for General Wheeler and then served in Forrest’s Cavalry. I had him written up as debunked when quite by chance, while researching William Allen Lundy, I came across an A. Witkowski in the muster rolls of the Alabama Coffee County Volunteers, written up on March 14th 1864 by someone possessing only a low level of English, let alone Polish. Beside 83 “Felix Witkoski” Wikipedia 96 Witkowski’s name was a single entry “gone.” Even though the initial and a letter in the surname are different, this removes the certainty of a debunked status for him. Three enlistments for A. Witkowski show up in the 9th South Carolina Infantry. One man reenlisting or three? One who became a sergeant has his name spelled with a double tt. Such a rank would be rare for a fourteen year old. This regiment did serve some of the war in Georgia in 1863 and incorporated sharpshooters. However they were sent to Virginia in early 1864, so this man would not have been in the battle for Atlanta. So is Witkoski/Witkowski/ Mitoski (x2 more) / Mittoski one Confederate soldier or six? A Polish family surnamed Witkowski were located in Carroll County Louisiana, and perhaps this soldier or soldiers were from that family. They were slave owning plantation people and Simon, the father, had a son Adolph who had the right initial and was around the right age for Civil War service. Simon and his brother, Julius, were Union loyalists who applied for federal compensation.84 Even so, how many Poles with virtually the same name were in Confederate Alabama just where and when Felix Witkoski said he was? Long coincidence? This led me to further investigations. In the available censuses Witkoski continually states that he was born in Texas in January 1850 and he writes nothing in these documents about Polish parentage. He states that his mother was English and his father was a German in one and then they are both Germans and are Texans in the last census. This initially looks like a selfrevealing lie, but many people were Polish by the locale of their birth but German in ethnic origin. When Witkoski wrote that his mother was English in one census and then German in another the writing reveals his uncertainty. Somebody writes ‘Ger’ then after a space ‘German.’ When he writes in the last census that his parents were Texans, by then they were, by long residence if not by birth. What damages his claim is that in response to questions about military service, he always leaves these census questions blank. Computerised census records at the time of this writer’s research do not list any Texan Witkoski family for 1850, 1860, 1870 or 1900. The latter census is supposedly particularly damaging to Witkoski. This writer quadruple checked that census in a website and with different search engines that had proved reliable previously: 84 Gary B. Mills, Southern Loyalists in the Civil War: The Southern Claims Commission .Genealogical Publishing COM, 1994, p654. 97 result blanks! Similar names also failed to find a computerised match, they might be there somewhere, but are not easily found. Ancestry.com has no record of him in censuses before 1910, although he is in every one after that. Also not easily found is a motive for fraud. As with his 1854 birthdate, no evidence of a Confederate pension application seems findable. These were state based and both Oregon and California where he lived for decades, apparently did not pay out to Confederates. He did not take part in the hoopla over Civil War Veterans. The evidence against his Civil War experiences appears as even weaker than his evidence for being a veteran. For conclusive evidence one way or another the censuses of 1870 and 1900 must be found or revealed to be nonexistent. If he had affirmed Civil War service in the censuses…. * 98 Thomas Edwin Ross Result: His Confederate Service is possible. More clarification is needed as two different service claims are made for what may be the same man. Several other Confederates share this name and also share other points for identity. Date of Birth: 16th July 1850. Source 1. 19th July 1850 Source 2. Date of Death: 27th March 1952 in California. Rank: probably private OR a marine and sometime powder monkey. Unit: 14th Kentucky Cavalry OR the marine regiment. Service: probably January 19th 1863 to 30th November 1864. Perhaps also August to October 1862. Or 1862 -1865 for the naval Ross. Combat Experience: uncertain but claimed. Evidence of Service. Uncertain/conflicting. * Once again the original version must be developed. A Kentucky cavalry enlistment for Thomas E. Ross came so close to verifying him, but the type of service he claimed in the Confederate marines and what the documentation revealed lead to two irreconcilable records of service. As two documents show three days difference given for the birthdate of the Thomas Edwin Ross born in Kentucky in July 1850 it is possible that they were two different men, perhaps related. Evidence of service 1: Cavalry: The 1952 death certificate lists his service as being in the 5 th Kentucky Cavalry. Did someone, somewhere in Los Angeles in 1952 try to find his record, and finding someone in that cavalry unit with the same name, nearly exact birth date and state of origin, lead themselves or someone else into a misidentification? Yet this might be his true record. Morgan’s Raiders were feared and at least two other aged veterans of that unit, William A. Kiney and 99 John M. Bradley, did not seek recognition.85 A Thomas Ross of West Liberty Kentucky enlisted as a private in August 1862, but was mustered out for unknown reasons that October. Another (?)Thomas Ross enlisted in the same place in January 1863 in Company B of the 14th Kentucky Cavalry and was mustered out on November 30th 1864 and is listed as surviving the war. Ancestry.com puts him at the top of the list as the soldier most likely to be Thomas Edwin Ross. Identification comes by that full name in a modern computer introduction to an index of paroled Confederates. Is this because of either unrevealed information or because the word Edwin appears elsewhere? This man was captured on June 19th 1864, was he exchanged to be mustered out? Many prisoners were so weakened as to be useless for further service. This index was typed out in 1980. Here he is listed as Thomas Ross, but the unit designation and Kentucky address are a perfect match. A realistic portrayal of a Kentucky cavalryman by Moses Hamblin. Evidence of Service 2: Naval. In Professor Hoar’s The South’s Last Boys in Gray Thomas Edwin Ross of Los Angeles, (born July 19th 1850 and died on March 27th 1952) is described as a 85 Hoar has a segment on Bradley. Vol. III p1621. Kiney is dealt with in detail in the segment about him. 100 naval man who started out as an eleven year old powder monkey and who was aboard the Merrimac during its famous duel with the Monitor in 1862. This is Ross’s account. He also claimed to be at the battle of the Crater in 1864 and to have spent the later period of the war in a torpedo boat, the Wasp of the James River Squadron, located in east Virginia. He identified the captain and master’s mate in command there. 86 All these naval claims are possible, but it all initially sounds like too many varied forms of service for one person. Evidence however, shows the incredibly diverse uses this small unit was put to. ‘The Confederate States Navy Marine Corps’ was not a corps in the army sense of consisting of two divisions and supporting units which usually totalled around twenty thousand men. It was really a regiment, at its peak apparently consisting of 840 enlisted men, and 149 other ranks with 82 more being enlisted in October 1862. 87 Historians and eyewitness show that they were much in demand and in ways that support Ross’s statements. Confederate naval officer J. Thomas Scharf in his 1888 History of the Confederate Navy states that: One squad of marines that fought at Drewry’s Bluff had previously formed a part of the ship’s company of the Virginia and had helped work her guns in the battles of Hampton Roads. (p771) Scharf also states that marine detachments were “ordered to other stations and to vessels preparing for sea, or for coastal defence” this fits in with Ross’s statement about the torpedo boats. His claim to be a powder monkey and to working machines, which sounds more a naval service than a marine one, is also explained in Scharf’s next passage: Because of the great lack of trained seamen in the Confederacy, the veteran marines were of inestimable value on board the ships to which they were attached, and they were made use of in numerous capacities that embraced the duties of sailors. (771) Ross’s knowledge of these matters, as well as his seemingly odd and overdone claims being backed by near contemporary evidence, adds to his credibility upon investigation. His recollection of being at the battle of the crater is a separate issue. Ross did state that he was without a ship for months after the CSS Virginia was blown up. The Petersburg lines were thinly manned so possibly detachments of marines were used there until the next boat was ready in late 1864. It is also possible that an individual marine was nearby for 86 87 Hoar, Vol. III pp1686-1687. Scharf, quoting the official Confederate directions for the marine’s establishment.p769. 101 personal reasons and rushed to serve in the sudden emergency at the crater, but no marine detachment appears in the Confederate Order of Battle. One factor that does count against him must be the reproduced in detail crew list of the CSS Virginia with individualised notes in John V. Quarstein’s history The CSS Virginia: Sink before Surrender (2012). Ross’s name does not appear in the crew list. He is also absent from the list Quarstein reproduces of those others who volunteered and so served in some capacity, or in the listed detachment of 54 marines who served on the ship. This is not saying that Ross deceives about this. As previously mentioned, most Confederate marine records were destroyed. An odd fact that strongly suggests that Ross was telling the truth was that he kept his distinctive Confederate blue-jacket uniform. This may have been of the type issued to the navy or the more distinctive frock coats worn by the marines of both sides.88 His habit of wearing such a naval blue-jacket to church probably got him noticed as a former Confederate.89 Another fact in his favour is that no evidence emerges that he applied for the pension: by Kentucky’s pension rules he would have had to live in Kentucky to get it and he had been living in California for decades. He apparently did not want publicity and little of his life is known of between the end of the Civil War and 1920. After working as an engineer he settled in Los Angeles and worked as a car dealer. The Californian Daughters of the Confederacy had to search for him and arrange urgent medical help and then arrange his 100th birthday celebrations. His last four years were spent in a sanatorium as his physical health declined.90 Although he was not mentioned in the 1949 Life or the 1951 Denver Post articles, he was listed as one of the last surviving Confederates in the 1951 Virginia Reunion program.91 In April 1910 a Thomas Ross of Paducah, Kentucky aged 59, affirmed Civil War service on the census. His given age matches that of the aged claimant. Proving that this man, born in Kentucky in 1850 is the same man who died in Los Angeles in 1952 must be difficult without more evidence. Proving that he served with a Kentucky cavalry unit, or with the navy or marines in Virginia becomes more than difficult. Too many enlistments name Thomas Ross appear, nearly forty, but each has too little information. Most were infantry privates. Two have the initial E. ‘Uniform of the Confederate State Military Forces.’ Wikipedia; See also the website ‘Images of Confederate Marines.’ 89 Hoar, Vol. III pp1686-1687. 90 Ibid. 91 Mason, p8. 88 102 but none use the full middle name. The most likely of these “E. Ross” soldiers served in Home Guard units from 1862 onwards and Howard’s Company of prison guards in North Carolina. Another was in the 42nd Regiment North Carolina. Two versions of an enlisted Confederate marine’s frock coat. Ross at one time would have had one. He wore one in old age in Los Angeles. Three enlisted men named Thomas E. Ross are on muster rolls. Three others named Thomas Ross are listed as Confederate Kentucky cavalrymen. One who is not listed is the most likely, the quiet naval man. 103 The Confederate marines, depicted by Don Troiani 104 Ross’s surviving naval jacket may be something like this wartime relic The Virginia attacking is in the background: he claimed to be in this battle. * 105 106 Douglas T. Story also known as Douglas T. Storey Result: accepted√ Date of Birth: 24th November 1844 or that date in 1846. Date of Death 22nd April 1952 in California. Age at enlistment: seventeen or nineteen. Rank: private. Unit: 136th Illinois Volunteers. Service: infantryman He enlisted on May 20th or June 1st 1864 and was mustered out on October 22nd of that year. Combat Experience: Garrison and dealing with raids, he was not in major battles. Evidence of Service apart from his own accounts: Official Records and the 136th Illinois muster rolls both list him by first name and initial. Douglas Story ran away from home twice, trying to enlist and succeeded on the third attempt. Like many runaways who enlisted, there seems confusion over his birthdate. He served in the 136th Illinois Volunteer Infantry, a unit that was formed for 100 days service, but lasted a little longer to meet the threat of General Jo Shelby’s expected cavalry raid on Saint Louis.92 They were given garrison duty in Tennessee and were at times part of the unsuccessful attempts Jay S. Hoar, The North’s Last Boys in Blue: Last Living Chapter of the American Civil War. An Epic Prose Elegy. Volume II. Salem Mass.: Higginson Book Co. 2007. p854. 92 107 to capture the elusive, hard hitting Nathan Bedford Forrest and his command. During that time many more men died of disease than the few lost in skirmishes.93 When the regiment was disbanded in late 1864 Story was discharged and lived a varied life.94 He was for a time an entertainer on Mississippi riverboats, performing as a vaudevillian and a dancer, then he worked in carpentry, stone masonry and horseshoeing. Marrying in the middle 1870s, he fathered five children by his first wife between 1877 and 1889 and after being widowed had a sixth by his second wife. He worked as a Land Agent in the Oklahoma boom of the 1890s before moving to California where he continued his career in land. Like Thomas Edwin Ross and Felix Witkoski, he would be in Los Angeles in the early 1950s. He had retired there in 1929, living with one of his daughters in old age. He met with other Union veterans, but did he ever meet Ross or Witkoski? 93 Official Records 136th Illinois Infantry Regiment; The Illinois Civil War Project.Org/history/135html; 136th Illinois Infantry Regiment. civil warillinois genweb. 94 This account of Story’s post-war life is based on the segment concerning him in Hoar, Vol. II pp 854-856 and an unsigned and brief obituary article in The Los Angeles Times. April 23rd 1952. This article is reproduced in the Find-a-Grave website for Douglas Story. 108 Even Official records lists his name as having an alternate spelling and notes the fact, but here this does not become a barrier to credibility: he lived a traceable life. Douglas Storey in old age in California. In his last years, not able to move about much, he delighted in watching television. 109 Israel Aaron Broadsword aka Israel Adam Broadsword Result: accepted√ Date of Birth: 23rd December 1846. Date of Death 25th July 1952 in Idaho. Age at enlistment: officially eighteen in 1865, perhaps fourteen in 1861. Rank: private. Unit: 51st Missouri Infantry (known) 110 Service: Infantryman. Probably his first service was in the summer and autumn of 1861. He definitely enlisted on April 4th 1865 and was mustered out on August 31st of that year. Combat Experience: Very little that can be traced. Probably much more. Evidence of Service apart from his own accounts: Ancestry.com has replicas of his several documents for voluntary enlistment. These include a declaration, company enrolment, hospitalisation, a transfer and mustering out. Official Records got a triple check and does not know of him. While he has some of the most traceable statistics among those veterans alive after January 1st 1952, confusion exists over his middle name. His 1860s military documents do not give him one. Professor Hoar, in contact with his family, writes Adam, newspapers say Aaron. This time these trails all lead easily to the same man. Israel Aaron Broadsword was born in Putnam County Ohio into a farming family. He is only one of the few among the twenty nine claimants in this book to have an undisputed birth date. As a boy he worked in Saint Joseph, Missouri for outfitters to wagon trains and mountaineers. His son William wrote to Professor Hoar in 1972, describing how the sight of a female slave being separated from her child and then being whipped down the street gave him a passionate hatred of slavery. This led Broadsword to joining the Troy Kansas Home Guard in 1859 and he would experience the violence of the Kansas conflict before the war began. By Broadsword’s account repeated in newspapers and also in the recollections of one of his sons, he ran away from home aged fourteen to fight and was in Missouri’s battle of Lexington in September 1861. Soon after this his parents found him and took him home, but realised he would only run away again, so with their permission at age sixteen he enlisted.95 This would put his second enlistment between the end of 1862 and the end of 1863. This fits with his son William’s account, who recalled that his father saw action several times This account of Broadsword’s life is based on his enlistment documents and war record, Hoar’s segment on Broadsword Vol. II pp857-859 and on newspaper accounts. Professor Hoar uses several detailed passages from his son William and several other sources. The first newspaper source is an unsigned article, ‘Civil War Veteran Lives Peacefully On Idaho Farm.’ In The Register Guard. May 4th 1951. p57. The second is an obituary article in The Spokesman Review. July 26th 1952 p57. The last is the May 1951 Associated Press article. 95 111 against Quantrill, who was active in Missouri in those years but had moved to Kentucky by the spring of 1865. However all his official documents have him enlisting aged eighteen on April 4th 1865. He would have seen very little if any fighting while on garrison duty at Saint Joseph Missouri as he was hospitalised on April 30th for an unspecified period. In the twilight days of the war the last Confederates active in Missouri were bushwhackers and isolated cavalry units, so while possible, it seems unlikely that Broadsword was a fighting soldier – at least at this point in time, but definitely after 1865 and probably before, in 1861. The previously cited newspaper interviews he did recall some details apparently from his earlier enlistment. In one an officer told the men not to abandon a cannon to the enemy and when another man asked how much it was worth and was told three hundred dollars, he suggested that they let the Confederates have it, all chip in and give the replacement cost to the government! Broadsword also mentioned the terrible taste of scarce buffalo meat. Broadsword at an event after the 1949 Life magazine story brought him fame Unfortunately more of his earlier experiences are at this stage, undocumented. He was mustered out, but re-enlisted in Company H, 19th Kansas Cavalry in 1868 where he reached the rank of Sergeant and became an Indian fighter under Custer’s command, fighting the Sioux and probably being at the Battle of Washita River against the Cheyenne in late 1868. The most famous representation of this battle is in Arthur Penn’s 1971 film Little Big Man. While 112 this film accurately captures the ruthless savagery and the unexpected nature of the attack and many of the more bizarre aspects; it does not depict how the Seventh Cavalry were tracking a raiding party returning to the village. This group had been raiding settlers and brought Custer’s ferocious destruction to the apparently unknowing villagers.96 A kidnapped white woman had also smuggled out a note pleading for rescue for herself and her toddler, they were among the fatalities, but it remains unclear who killed them.97 To what extent this surprise attack on a sleeping village where an American flag flew could be called a battle was then and still remains controversial. Of the hundred and three Cheyenne Custer supposedly killed, only eleven were warriors and Custer lost Examples of Israel Aaron Broadsword’s military documents. These were as god as it got for details of enlistments on either side 96 The raiding party is mentioned by James Donovan in his A Terrible Glory: Custer and the Little Big Horn: The Last Great Battle of the American West. New York: Little Brown and Company, 2008. p63 p65. 97 Evan S. Connell, Son of the Morning Star: General Custer and the Battle of the Little Big Horn. 1984. London: Pan Books, 1986. pp181-182. The note is reproduced. 113 nineteen cavalrymen. Custer would claim in his official report that he had killed a hundred and eleven warriors, but Evan S. Connell in his Son of the Morning Star names all eleven killed Indian warriors and states that the other ninety-two were women, children and the elderly.98 James Donovan also mentions Custer’s claim on casualties, but concludes that he was overstating, while Cheyenne estimates of thirty to forty fatalities of which half were warriors, were understatements.99 Broadsword’s role in this is unknown, he may not have even been there, but this man who loved army life resigned soon after. However he clearly admired Custer; his first child, born in 1885, was named George Custer Broadsword.100 Comparing his earlier sense of injustice over a female slave to what happened to Cheyenne women at the Washita shows what war can do to people, or can possibly do. As a child Custer did not tolerate bullies and defended those attacked. In 1870 Broadsword was employed as a wagon train scout, but quit over a wage dispute around halfway through the journey. After hauling freight for a time, he returned to farming and family life, having married in 1871. A physically strong man, he had a resilience and a toughness about him that not only got him through the 1850s border wars, the Civil War and the Indian War of the 1860s, but also the world of freighting and farming. The Broadswords had to battle prairie fires, hailstorms, drought and grasshopper plagues: despite this Israel Broadsword never gave up, never suffered a crushing defeat and showed the resilience that so many veterans, North and South, possessed. His son William recalled how after the death of his wife in 1900 he moved to Colorado, taking up farming there and around 1929-1930 he retired to live with his sons in Idaho. He took part in the 1949 Life magazine story which gained him public notice. He stayed in general good health until the last years. He is credited with being Missouri’s last Civil War veteran and the last living veteran in the NorthWest states. He would have also been among the last Indian fighters. Ten days before he died he was rushed to Spokane Hospital and his death was much noted in the North West media. Widely respected, at his funeral, the largest building in his town could not hold not even half of the mourners present.101 O’Connell, p187. Donovan, p65. 100 The Broadsword Family Tree. Ancestry.com 101 Hoar, Vol II p857. 98 99 114 Broadsword at 105, still wearing farm working clothes 115 * 116 Richard William Cumptson He was born on 23rd May 1841 and died on the 5th September 1952, being of Virginia. Official Records list a William J. Cumpston as having served in the 47th Virginia Regiment. An R. J. Cumpston served in the 1st Georgia Cavalry and a James Cumpston served in the 12th Missouri. The only Richard William Cumpston known of was a Union soldier stationed in North Carolina, and perhaps he was from there as twelve thousand North Carolinians served the Union. Several Cumpstons served in the Union’s West Virginian forces. Even the Cumpston family tree notes that they have no information. That was all that was known then and the situation is essentially the same at present. Even assiduous archivists have had to give up on my requests on this man. That is not the problem, the problem is proving that this man even existed. If records of this man are found and verified, he could be the last Virginian on active service for the Confederacy and possibly the last man to serve in the Army of Northern Virginia. * 117 William Murphy Loudermilk Result: His Confederate service is very probable, almost verifiable, but without enlistment documents and some irrefutable evidence, he cannot go beyond being tantalisingly close. He definitely does not deserve to be labelled a discredited imposter out to falsely claim pension money. Unlike Rockwell, who also had no enlistment documents, there are barriers and unanswered questions that stop his verification. More clarification, more detail and written Civil War era evidence would be good. Unfortunately for Loudermilk’s verification, relatives with the same name particularly least two with very similar names confuse the records. Most, but not all arguments against his verification rapidly fall apart on examination. Date of Birth: 27th October 1847 but 1846, 23rd October 1848, about 1849, about 1850, 1851 and/or 1857 have all been claimed by others. Date of Death 18th September 1952. Age at enlistment: uncertain, sixteen remains most likely. Rank: Like Witkoski he started as a cavalry water boy and then a bugler, a private and a sharpshooter. All these positions would have been in the cavalry of the Army of Tennessee. 118 Unit: uncertain, possibly the 36th Georgia (Boyles) or with much more probability the 6th North Carolina Cavalry. Reasons Against Verification: One reason given for debunking is that he supposedly never claimed to be a Confederate until he applied for the Confederate veteran’s pension in late 1949 or early 1950. This is untrue. About forty to fifty or more years before applying for the pension he had himself photographed in his Confederate uniform. He affirmed Civil War status in response to an official question in 1930 and was among the last thirty eight surviving Confederates who were photographed and mentioned for a May 1949 Life article about remaining Civil War survivors at that time.102 The census birth year dates and the lack of a name on a muster roll are the other usual reasons for rejection. The Sons of Confederate Veterans had rejected his claims by May 1951.103 Several writers who mention him call him a fake or hint at that. These are issues to deal with chronologically, starting with his birth. Due to his statements concerning his age his birthdate becomes vital for verification or rejection and so should be examined closely. The same date in October is always used, but years vary. Only the October 1847 birthdate works with his professed age on enlistment and his given battle record. He said he volunteered at sixteen in the spring of 1864, so if he was born in October 1848 he must have been a soldier in October 1864 at the earliest. This means he could not have been in any of the battles he claimed, excepting Nashville, fought that December. In Professor Hoar’s account his age at enlistment in April 1864 was still fifteen, he puts his birth year as 1848.104 This contradictory information means that establishing his birth date gives him basic credibility; without it he looks dubious. Critics use or refer to the 1900 census where his age is given as forty-nine and his birth year as 1851. After earlier research on the censuses made me doubt their veracity I checked the 1910 census and got the obviously impossible birth year for Civil War service of 1857 and nearly joined the deriders. He also had a chance to describe his Civil war service in that census but left the space blank. In vexation this writer tried the 1920 census which came up with “about 1857.” 102 1930 census question about veteran status and involvement in conflicts; John Osborne, untitled photograph collection Life May 30th 1949. p9. 103 Unsigned Article, ‘J.A. Marcum, Gray Veteran Passes at 98; The Anniston Star. May 27th 1951. Front page story. 104 Hoar, Vol. III. p1688. 119 The Loudermilk Pension Card. Note the e or C after William No chance exists that these census dates come from one of the others with his name. In the 1910 census he gives his full name and the Jonesboro Arkansas locale which matches the other censuses. The Kerrer’s Chapel Cemetery staff where Loudermilk and his wife were buried were apparently so bewildered by all these date confusions that they used the internet to put out a public appeal for help – and got it. With information about the census records from 1900, 1910, 1920 and 1930.105 His surname gets misspelled way off four times out of four and in three different ways. His birthdate in 1900 is written as 1841, not 1851, but his age is listed as 49 not 59. If this is not bizarre enough, his age becomes younger in 1910 when he is listed as 43. To believe the census so far we must believe that this Arkansas farmer was privileged to find the fountain of youth. Given that one of the writers believing in the veracity of Civil War era censuses writes for a flying saucer magazine some other people just might swallow that one. When in the encyclopaedia entry I replaced the magazine’s missing subtitle that revealed the magazine’s Melanie Atkins, Posted response to Kerrer’s Chapel Cemetery Need Help. October 28th 2007. 105 120 interests that information was rapidly deleted. This writer can even design a tabloid headline for the readers: ARKANSAS FARMER FINDS FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH! Loses 16 years in ten!!!! AMERICAN CENSUSES PROVE IT TRUE. BUY OUR FLYING SAUCER DETECTOR KIT for only $29:95 and pay within 30 days to get your free trip to the fountain of youth at Jonesboro! Conditions apply. Do not examine evidence and believe everything you read in an encyclopaedia. However like Ayesha in Rider Haggard’s She the life giving elixir can be treacherous and age the taker with impossible ferocity, well sometimes. Poor Loudermilk ages twenty years in ten years by the 1920 census, making him aged supposedly sixty-three. This process continues as he ages another nineteen years in the next decade. Finally the 1930 census get his age of eighty-two close to right and came close to his real birth year, giving 1848, but his middle initial is wrong. His wife suffers similar impossibilities with her birthdate and name, so she did not fill their census out.106 For some reason the 1940 census finally spells his name right but this time his age is 91, giving a birthdate of around late in 1848 or the first half of 1849. In the response blog to the cemetery request one typo involving Loudermilk’s birth year appears. The suggested ancestry disagrees with the main family version. Even so, much of what is here, (such as differing birth dates) matches the computerised census roll entries. The computerised version of the 1930 census notes the original errors and corrects. Other bits elsewhere seem tidied up with records being computerised. One fact worth noting is that the census records show that he did not alter his age to get a pension, he only applied at the end of the 1940s. Loudermilk has been labelled a fraud, but what investigations reveal can be remarkable for what they do to the credibility of censuses. Misspelling his own name four times and in three different ways? Lowering and raising his age? Writing out a different name for his wife on four different censuses? The censuses were the strongest evidence that he was a fraud, but as evidence for anything - for or against, they are worthless and would be laughed out of court, assuming a fool took them there. This immediately raises the question of why make obviously impossible and contradictory statements on census forms? Handwriting shows that 106 Ibid. 121 someone else filled out the forms. Even allowing for the patronage system and a lack of training investigators must ask: what on earth was happening with the census collectors? Were census officials foreigners without much English - or going deaf? Loudermilk claimed to be literate on the forms and did not sound addled or senile in 1949 and 1951 newspaper coverage, let alone fifty years before. In contrast to the censuses, between 1949 and his death in 1952 many magazines and newspapers always gave his correct age. If they did not spell it out as October 1847, still they gave him the correct age to support that birthdate on their assorted publication dates. As well as local publications such as the Jonesboro Sun, the Sedalia Democrat, The Arkansas Gazette and the Northwest Arkansas Times, these publications included some of America’s most respected names: Life, The New York Times, The Miami Daily News Record and Stars and Stripes.107 All but the latter of these publications were printing individualised, not syndicated stories. Two apparently syndicated brief obituary stories appeared in several American papers: some mentioned his service in Hood’s cavalry, some did not.108 Two other points of confusion are best cleared up: even apart from several Confederate enlistments written up as W.M. Loudermilk There are others causing more confusion: the man being investigated is not even the only William Murphy Loudermilk. Another with that full name was born in Randolph County North Carolina in 1850, to a black family. Another soldier with this exact name was a Union private from Indiana killed in 1863, but in records it is not always clear which soldier is referred to. There was also his cousin who served in the 39th North Carolina Infantry and even in Official Records they initially seem confused, as his record also goes under “William Murphy Loudermilk” or was that perhaps both men’s middle name was the same? This would explain much. With the evidence against his Civil War service discredited, what evidence exists for verification? 107 Jonesboro Sun.; The Sedalia Democrat. 23rd September 1949 computerised pages; The Miami Daily News Record. 21st May 1950 Computerised pages; The Arkansas Gazette. September 6th 1951 “Private Made Colonel 86 Years After War.” p5 and “Last Confederate Veteran of Arkansas Dies at 104.” Front Page. 19th September 1952. The Northwest Arkansas Times. 19th Sept 1952, Computerised pages; Life. previous citation; The New York Times Obituary of 19th Sept 1952 is reproduced in Loudermilk’s entry on Find A Grave. See Citation 38; Stars and Stripe.s 20th Sept 1952. Computerised pages. 108 Compare for example the unsigned brief obituary in Ohio’s The East Liverpool Review. September 19th 1952 with the fuller versions mentioned in the previous citation. 122 Evidence for Verification: In the 1930 census when he reached the tiny column for war experience he wrote “civ.” This was almost twenty years before he applied for a pension and before the hoopla about veterans began. Why lie on a census form, who would see it? In his research Professor Hoar was aided by Loudermilk’s relatives who recalled that Loudermilk kept his battered Confederate cherry wood canteen and a tattered Confederate flag. He also clearly kept his cavalry uniform, hat and bowie knife as some years after the war, he had himself photographed armed and in uniform, apparently to show that he could still fit into it.109 This happened around half a century or more before he applied for a Confederate veteran’s pension. If he was not the cavalryman he claimed to be this must be very strange and untypical behaviour for this level headed and prosaic man. In Hoar’s account Loudermilk stated officially and repeatedly that he was never written up as enlisting or given discharge papers, but simply told “It’s all over .You may go home.”110 This sounds very likely, for when the Army of Tennessee surrendered it was not like the surrenders at Vicksburg or Appomattox, where in a few days the army laid down its arms and all the soldiers filled out the parole lists. The surrender began on April 14 th when Johnston asked for terms and got them days later, but Sherman’s generous terms were rejected by his government and negotiations were delayed while new terms were drawn up. In the meantime much of Johnston’s scattered army melted away. There are no parole lists for all of that army. The family genealogy Descendants of George Washington Loudermilk website also revealed much. In this massive work compiled by Aline Loudermilk Jones which was finished in 2007, William Murphy Loudermilk’s parents, his birthdate, siblings, marriage, bequest in a will, move to Arkansas and his burial are all correctly mentioned. So his Civil War life with the tantalizingly brief “he served the CSA.” and “See Aline’s File”111 That file is not in her genealogy and seems unfindable at this point. The authenticity of this genealogy is obvious. Over a thousand people are listed in Aline Loudermilk Jones’s work, many of them in great and prosaic detail and the information comes from family bibles, military records, land sales, births, marriages, wills, bequests, death registers and yes - censuses. William Murphy Loudermilk had a life cursed by censuses. Although his Hoar, William Murphy Loudermilk’ in The South’s Last Boys in Gray. Vol. III pp16881690. 110 Ibid, p1689. 111 Aline Loudermilk Jones, Descendants of George Washington Loudermilk. 2007. www.roots web. ancestry .com gaunion/gw/text entry. pp38-40. 109 123 siblings are in the 1860 census contained in the genealogy he is not listed with them by name, but curiously is recorded as an unnamed male aged twelve. Did he presciently avoid the census taker or being in a sullen mood refuse to give his name? Was not being listed with the others a punishment for a sibling squabble? Or were parents disputing what his name should be, perhaps because his cousin William M. Loudermilk, was about fourteen years old and may have had the same middle name, let alone initial? This would have provided enough confusion – and subsequently did. The name Murphy incidentally came from the nearby town.112 Whatever the reason other documents show that nobody else could be there. He is listed by name among Daniel Loudermilk’s children with his October 1847 birth date and mentioned again by name with the other same siblings by Daniel in his 1900 will. The family genealogy is strong for verification, but precise details of his service are a morass.113 Even his middle name or initial takes time to find. Even without the censuses his birthdate remains confusing. October 27th 1847 is on his tombstone and a personal memorial, and in the family genealogy tree, while October 17th is on the same Find A Grave memorial site that has the photos of the tombstone and the memorial. It also reproduces a brief September 18 th 1952 New York Times article that states he died aged a 104 years.114 His wartime service appears as almost certainly true, but what form did it take and where? One web site seemingly lists him as serving in the Twentieth Virginia Cavalry. They had a William Loudermilk, who had no middle initial and that unit was never in the fight against Sherman where the man who died in 1952 said he served. It is claimed on the memorial stone that he was a private in the North Carolina Cavalry. William A. Loudermilk served with the 2nd North Carolina, but he enlisted in June 1861 and was discharged in February 1863 with a disability. He emerges as a cousin, being listed in the massive family genealogy and Moore’s history.115 This man with the wrong initial lived to 1950. His regiment did not serve anywhere near where William Murphy Loudermilk said he served and WML never mentioned being disabled. He enjoyed good health 112 Personal phone communication with Jay S. Hoar on an earlier version of this book. May 2014. 113 Ibid. 114 Pvt William Murphy Loudermilk (1847-1952) Find A Grave Memorial. 115 Moore, Vol.2 Muster Role of the 19th North Carolina Cavalry. p114. 124 into advanced old age.116 There was a training unit with the 2nd North Carolina, Company F, this was their junior reserves. Their muster rolls show that most of them were also born around 1847 and also like him, were usually North Carolinians. After training in North Carolina they were sent to fighting units, including apparently their own, but no Loudermilk appears on their roll. Even so, his training here sounds possible. The most likely possibility for his unit is the 6th North Carolina Cavalry, which was the only North Carolina cavalry unit that did serve on the Western arena when and where William Murphy Loudermilk said he was serving in the cavalry. The unit was with Johnston from August 1863 onwards and then continuously with Hood and then Johnston again until his surrender. Many from this regiment were recruited in the Loudermilk’s family area, western North Carolina. Folk’s 6th North Carolina Regiment (65th) was an amalgamation of forces and also of their muster rolls. These motley units had kept what rolls they had, but there was no neat, systematic reenrolment into one unit called Folks.’ The website introduction to its roll clarifies that those rolls were muddled, incomplete, left out a group stationed away from camp and some parts are no longer existent. Another website on the same topic 6th North Carolina Cavalrythe 65th North Carolina State Troops lists the known cavalrymen, without Loudermilk, but also notes roll parts were no longer existent, adds that there was confusion over the doubling of companies with the same identifying letter and ads that this unit was confusingly identified as the 66th Regiment. Rolls in that state would explain why Loudermilk was accepted but not enrolled, new enlistments would have added to the confusion. There are no Loudermilks listed here, but he may have served with the 6th regiment and it would explain why no record of him could be found – and why he has that memorial. In a 1951 newspaper interview he claimed that after enlisting aged sixteen in the spring of 1864 he served as a water boy in Hood’s cavalry, then became a bugler and then been promoted to sharpshooter and fought in the battles of Chattanooga, Marietta, near Atlanta and Nashville, staying in the army until the end, five months after Nashville.117 Chattanooga was a siege that ended in late November 1863, and the size of the city, dominated by massive and dramatic Lookout Mountain, would combine with the massive and dramatic 116 Evelyn Rard, Posted to Arkansas In The Civil War. 5/1/2009. This was written in 1949 and for the Jonesboro Sun. No author is credited. It describes Loudermilk still gardening and walking a distance. 117 Civil War Men in Ranks Archive org/ stream 5 civilwarmeninranks. This website is a collection of snippets from newspapers and magazines from the early 1950s about aged Civil War veterans still living at that time. 125 Confederate defeat there for a battle hard to forget or mistake for another, so he seems to be misremembering his enlistment date by six months. Or did Loudermilk serve the Confederacy for that long before officially enlisting? It is possible that he was referring not to the great battle but to some cavalry actions continued on in the area during 1864, both in the spring and later in the early winter of that year? Woolson mentions that on their way to Nashville in late 1864 the Confederate Army came so close to Chattanooga that with field glasses they could see their fires.118 What is also possible is that eighty-six years later Loudermilk’s chronology and recollection of names and dates was confused. To add to the confusion some infantry regiments recruited in Western North Carolina were in most of these battles and one, the 39th North Carolina, contained several soldiers with the family name, mostly cousins, including one with his first name and initial. What clarifies from Moore’s record is that this 39th North Carolina private William M. Loudermilk is not the same man who survived to 1952, but a cousin. They have different entries on the family tree, where the cousin appears as listed as a deserter, as were his brothers Allen Lafayette and Leander. However those two brothers returned with the spring in 1863. As Margaret Mitchell describes in Gone With the Wind many in the Army of Tennessee deserted in the autumn and winter months when fighting usually stopped, but then many of these frequently returned to their units after harvesting crops at 118 Hoar, Vol. II p893. Woolson is quoted from a 1949 recollection 126 home or after foraging or hunting expeditions. This different William M. vanishes from the war before late February 1863 and from the family genealogy in the first half of 1863. The latter records him as a deserter on June 30th of that year: he was not returning to fight in the summer campaign. He may not have had his return recorded, being a returned deserter was a dangerous game and could lead to execution, as reading Charles Frazier’s Cold Mountain or seeing the film version vividly depicts. The other seven William Loudermilks in Official Records, the compilations of Henderson and Moore and the family tree were in units placed elsewhere, Virginia and Missouri mainly. The William M. Loudermilk born in the summer of 1850 came from the Randolph County branch of the family. They were black and apparently emancipated. While the birth year matches those in one census and there were black Confederates, for this to be the man described as the one who lived until 1952 he must have misremembered his enlistment age and the evidence for the son of Daniel Loudermilk must be disregarded or disproved. Another possible explanation concerns another W.M. Loudermilk. His unit name and muster roll he appear in is reproduced in Lillian A. Henderson’s 1959-1964 Collection. Roster of the Confederate Soldiers of Georgia. This has an introduction that explains much. Captain John Loudermilk applied to raise a force of cavalry from East Tennessee, Northern Georgia and Western North Carolina where he was from; The accoutrements of a Confederate cavalryman’s war 127 the latter being families’ home area. Apparently he recruited among his relatives who could very likely see the appeal of being commanded by one of them. Robert was his brother, Allen Lafayette his nephew, other have the same names as cousins.119 However Company D were not given government permission to be cavalry and so while probably initially assembling and training as cavalry, functioned as infantry and eventually they were designated as such, Company D the 36th Georgia (Boyles).120 No other W.M. Loudermilk emerges in Confederate service against Sherman in the massive North Carolina genealogy or the one for the Georgia cousins or the extremely detailed family notice board. This matches Henderson’s roll and Jones’ 119 Aline Loudermilk Jones, Lillian A. Henderson, Introduction to the Company D Muster Roll 955 Lillian A. Henderson Roster of the Confederate Soldiers of Georgia. Hopeville; Congina and Porter, 1959-1964. Five Vols. Computer Edition by the Hathi Trust. 120 128 Although obviously old, this photo is not of Civil War vintage, although the hat and uniform are. Loudermilk was showing that in middle age he could still fit into his uniform. The photo was supplied by his descendants to Professor Hoar, who included it in his section on Loudermilk in Volume III of Last of The Blue and the Gray. It is reproduced here with his permission. 129 A modern depiction of a Confederate Cavalry bugler that is probably close to the reality. The style of hat, the cut of the coat and the clutching of the short sword and the intensity all bear similarities to the real William Murphy Loudermilk in his “uniform” photo genealogy. This W.M. Loudermilk is written up as serving with four other Loudermilks who have the names of cousins and uncles from Cherokee County, North Carolina. They are specifically mentioned in the family genealogy as serving in the 36th. This W.M. Loudermilk was enlisted at Etowah Georgia by Captain John in early 1862.This does not come close to Loudermilk’s enlistment age, enlistment date or motivations for fighting. Hood, cited by WML (1847-1952) 130 as his commander, was in Virginia in 1862 and Union Cavalry were unlikely to be raiding as far into North Carolina as Loudermilk recalled. Unacknowledged enlistment in Folk’s 6th North Carolina Cavalry for William Murphy Loudermilk (1847-1952) remains the most plausible and easy answer. His claim about serving in battles from Chattanooga to Nashville and lasting to the surrender makes sense as this regiment was in all these battles and was part of Johnson’s surrender in April 1865. He said that he had joined Hood’s cavalry after seeing Sherman’s devastation.121 This devastation happened he said, around Lake Hiwassee in the spring of 1864, but if he was at Chattanooga in late 1863 he must be misremembering the date. He saw homes burned and hardships and miseries inflicted and so “”Seein’ their destructions on an innocent people made me pretty hot.”122 After the war he returned to Murphy and worked to rebuild the family farm. He married a woman from the town, Sarah Elizabeth Bruce, at the start of 1887 and soon after they moved to near Jonesboro Arkansas, where they became charter members of the local Methodist Church and set up a vegetable farm. He also worked at a local sawmill and a railroad line. In 1947, the year he turned one hundred, they sold the farm and moved to town where he was frequently visited by well-wishers, schoolchildren or the curious, all wishing to meet a Civil War veteran.123 Then somewhere he heard about the Civil War pension: the trouble started and few if any were alive who could sort out the confusion. Apart from the census mess the confusing numbers of men named W.M. Loudermilk is probably why he is often considered a fake. Officials may have found nothing for him but found the records of his cousin, the other William M. (Murphy?) and probably assumed he was lying on age grounds alone – and/or they refused to pay a deserter as this was a pension rule. They may have thought he was the rejected applicant of 1901 trying again. This also explains the contempt the old man got from some townspeople if the story of his application emerged. It may explain why in the late 1940s an ancient old man and his wife left home and travelled extensively and doggedly by bus and train around Tennessee, North Carolina and Georgia, trying to find people who could verify his claim amongst his many relatives.124 A brother and sister could not provide 121 Mark Polston, William Loudermilk: The Last Confederate. www.couchgenweb.com/civilwar/cwvet.htm; 122 Hoar, Vol. III p1688. 123 Ibid, pp1688-1690. 124 Unsigned report, The Sedalia Democrat. 21st September 1949. Page 1. 131 the necessary evidence for his age.125 As his cousin William A. of the 2nd Cavalry lived until 1950, perhaps he hoped he could verify.126 Travelling over a thousand miles and spending months trying to clear his reputation would have cost considerably and meant more than the pension. Surely a deserter or a fraud would have quietly slunk away hoping for no exposure, but an honest man proud of his service would strive as he did to prove himself. There are some minor problems with his creditability, more likely with his memory. His claim stated that he started as a water boy in Hood’s cavalry, and was at Chattanooga, but Hood was not in the Chattanooga campaign. Being badly wounded, he was recuperating in Georgia.127 Chattanooga was an 1863 battle and WML said he was there, but he also said he joined in spring 1864. He may have been referring to skirmishing in the area before the battle of Dalton in May 1864 or to skirmishes while moving past there later that year. Some locals where he lived supported him, but others laughed at his Confederate claims and baited him over it.128 The Sons of Confederate Veterans ultimately rejected him. Why? Did the pension rejection and its misunderstood reasons become common knowledge? He did not identify himself as a veteran in the 1910 census. Many elements in his wartime story match Witkoski’s down to details. Even so, his official statements, the photograph and the kept war objects, the state of th the 6 Cavalry’s rolls and the family tree explains so much. There was no reason to fabricate on the 1930 census. He was almost certainly the last Confederate living in Arkansas, and among the last few living men to have fought for the Confederacy. * 125 Hoar, Vol. III p1689. Aline Loudermilk Jones. 127 John D. Dyer, The Gallant Hood.1950. New York; Konecky & Konecky, n.d. pp211-212 p226. 128 Polston, p2. 126 132 * 133 William Jordan Bush also known as William Joshua Bush Result: His Confederate Service is verified √ Date of Birth: usually given as 9th July 1845 but it was probably 9th July 1846. Less likely from censuses sources are 1844, perhaps 1847 or even 1849. Date of Death: 11th November 1952 Age at enlistment: One day before his fifteenth or sixteenth birthday. Rank: Private Unit: Company B. The Ramah Guards 14th Georgia Infantry. JulyOctober 1861. Perhaps he was under the command of General John B. Gordon from late 1861 until April 1862 or General George W. Gordon in 1862-1863. He probably served in the 2nd Georgia Militia from July until October 1864 and was definitely in the militia from October 1864 until April 1865. Service: Infantry in Virginia, probably the Army of Tennessee and then the Georgia State Militia infantry. Combat Experience: Plenty. Length of service: By official records he was an 1861 volunteer and was there at the war’s end, although perhaps he was out of service from October 1861 until October 1864. Evidence of Service apart from his own accounts. 134 At least two different units as listed above recorded his service, one with several 1861 documents signed by a total of five officials and witnesses and verified by the adjutant-general in 1953. Three websites that contain the muster roll of the Ramah Guards list him and with several details that preclude mistaken identity or fraud. These include his full name, birthdate and date of enlistment.129 His militia service is also listed in Lillian A. Henderson’s massive multi-volume work on Georgia’s enlistments. Records of his militia service were eventually found in 1936.130 Five other officially verified Civil War era documents are referred in detail towards the end of this biographical segment. A recently posted copyrighted photo of Bush in uniform can be viewed here or at the website “Images of William Joshua Bush.” Despite nine decades, the young soldier in this photo does bear a very strong resemblance to the man in the top photo of this segment. His widow donated his effects to the local museum ‘The Blue and the Gray’ and these effects included his tattered Confederate battle flag. All of these sources are much more than can be found for many verified veterans. They should be enough to verify his military record. He has long been claimed as the last Georgian Confederate. That claim is now beyond dispute. With equal credibility he currently holds the position of also being the third last living verified Confederate combat soldier. Although he served, there are problems with his record, accounts of his life and his statements, both official and unofficial. From birth to death there are factual contradictions and vagaries open to differing plausible interpretations. There are several Confederates named William Bush or even William J. Bush serving in Georgian units and frequently they seem individually indistinguishable. Much of this confusion originates in too brief records or missing documents. Other problems originate with Bush, but who can blame a man in his nineties for not having a perfect memory about his youth, especially concerning horrific events? Those who in the past would not verify him had some evidence for their views. Once again a belief in census records causes problems. The birthdate on his tombstone and in most accounts is 10th July 1845.131 This is now doubtful. Robert Fisher, Wilkinson County GA. Military Civil War Co B 14th Davidson Georgia.fishline@mudspring.com; Victor Davidson “History of Wilkinson County” in 14th Regiment Infantry Company B “Ramah Guards” www.civilwardata. 130 Serrano, p95; Lillian A. Henderson, p349. 131 Southern Graves: Telling the Tales of Tombstones. 6th September 2010. ‘The Last Confederate of Georgia: William Joshua Bush.’ HTTP:/blog.southern 129 135 Apparently to get enlisted he added exactly a year to his age in 1861 and made errors when filling out a form in the 1930s, he was ninety or more at the time and frequently could not recall requested details, but he admitted this.132 Various censuses from Central Georgia written up between 1844 and 1850 give us several births for those named William Bush. This seems to be the evidence indirectly referred In ‘Fakers’ which goes for one of the last born in this range as being Bush and then states that Bush was fifteen when the war ended and so could not have been in the war.133 Disputing that logic against boy soldiers has already been done extensively. Bush, Salling and Townsend at the 1951 Richmond Reunion What the records state with more clarity is that he was born on the family plantation in Wilkinson County. Several other Georgians born in this time have this first name and surname, but with an initial that exclude them as being William J. Bush. Even if going against the best evidence, it is accepted that he was born in 1850, this does not necessarily exclude him from Confederate service as the Fakers article suggests. He stated twice, once in his 1936 pension application and again in a 1949 interview, that he was discharged from the regular army because he was too young. The youthful age of many soldiers in Georgia were not just words on graves.net/2010/09/last-confederate-of-georgia-general.html. This source contains a picture of his gravestone. 132 Serrano, pp94-95; Bush, William Joshua: Confederate Pension Applications. August 1936. http:/sos state ga.us 20 11cdm/co,poundobject/collection/TestApps/id/149449/rec/p1 133 Posted by Kevin Randle, “Fakers!” A Different Perspective. ‘A Commentary on UFO’S Paranormal Events and Related Topics.’ Sept 8th 2007. p4. 136 paper to bolster paper figures. Eight of Georgia’s cadets died during the preliminary Atlanta battles.134 Union soldiers at the battle of Griswoldville found Confederate boys “not over fifteen years old” among the dead. Bush was at this battle. A first reading of Bush’s Confederate service using his accepted dates gives an impression that he was discharged in 1861 for being too young at fifteen or sixteen. Being too young at eleven or twelve is also possible – but how did this short statured man initially fool them? His existing discharge papers show a surgeon writing that the reason was disability.135 Was the surgeon confused? Did Bush want to hide an injury? Or was the discharge he mentioned only the first? Was he discharged a second time from some other unnamed unit for being too young? In a 1973 letter his widow wrote to Professor Hoar recalling family traditions. Bush’s memories and perhaps what was contained in now destroyed documents seem the basis for these and other recollections as Mrs Bush states that Bush “ran away from home several times to visit his father” who was already in a unit and the company, being short of men, accepted him and therefore so did his father. They came under the command of General John B. Gordon.136 Although she then places his father as already in the Ramah Guards and Bush junior joining as a result of this incident, this cannot be exactly as stated from the records still existent. This may have happened while they were training in the spring and early summer of 1861 in Georgia, as Bush apparently did runaway to join the guards and may have tried to do this early in their training. However records show Bush already enlisted in July 1861. His father, (who is named Francis Marion Bush in his daughter in law’s letter and William in the 1850 and 1860 censuses) is unlisted under either name in the Ramah Guards, although the possibility (without evidence) exists that he may have briefly trained with them but not gone north. Evidence for backing Effie Bush’s recollections appears in The War For Southern Independence in Georgia. They list a William Joshua Bush and then a William J. Bush both in Company B. of what they call the 14th Infantry Regiment in one enlistment and the 14th Regiment Volunteer Infantry in the second. Is this Bush’s father? Or Bush enlisting again? Or a clerk making a duplicate? His cousin remains the most likely possibility. Official Records and 134 Ibid, p219. They reproduce the original July 12th 1864 report of their commander Major Capers. 135 Original Discharge Papers. http://www.fold3.com/imae/35837317 136 Hoar, Vol III p1691. He reproduces a large segment from the letter. 137 Henderson’s compilation show six Georgians named William Bush served in Georgia infantry units. These were: William 63rd Georgia William F. 15th Georgia William H.H. 45th Georgia William N. 6th Georgia William 3rd Georgia William S. 55th Georgia William S. (unit uncertain) born January 8th 1865 captured at Gettysburg Others not in Official Records are: William 2nd Georgia Infantry Regiment (militia) All but the first enlistment and the last can be discounted as being either William Jordan Bush or his father as extra information their service records reveals clashes and impossibilities that are solid in Bush’s record and details that exclude them from being Bush’s father.137 Not one of these units served under General John B. Gordon. Of these men and their regiments the first listed seems the most likely for the origins of this story which may have referred to another unit that another General Gordon did command, and it may have been after Bush’s October 1861 discharge. This possibility is dealt with before this section ends. The phrase about running away several times aged seventeen indicates he may have served in another unit and the given age of this happening, this suggests the second half of 1862 until middle 1863, unless the 1844 birthdate is accepted. In that same letter Effie Bush also mentions a fire destroying his home and military records in the late 1880s. His father’s and brother’s documents were probably also destroyed. That fire means that writer after writer (including this one) has assumed they had the full documented story when a good deal of it must have gone up in very literal smoke. Until now Bush’s statements have been matched against supposedly complete paper documentation and judged across a range going: proven/plausible/possible dubious/impossible. However 137 Official Records; The War For Southern Independence in Georgia. p7. Computer listing; Lillian A. Henderson, Computer listing p777. 138 that method must now also go up in smoke. Writers are now left with guestimates, probabilities and possibilities. That fire destroying records means that Bush may really have served in Virginia in John B. Gordon’s regiments as he said, fought at Gettysburg or served in the 2nd Georgia Militia Regiment, or the 63rd Georgia. He may also have stayed on the farm between returning home in late 1861 and being enrolled in the militia in October 1864, but given Bush’s temperament, his adamant statements and Georgia’s urgent manpower needs, this most prosaic and initially plausible option soon becomes the most unlikely. However Mrs Bush’s recollections do suggest he was at home sometime during the later stages of the war, although she never clarified if this was Bush’s eyewitness account or retold at second hand. The family story was of how a Union officer, being a freemason, stopped the plunder of the Bush plantation when he found the masonic apparel belonging to Bush’s father. By that point they had already wrecked both the stored lard and the beds by mixing them together. Apart from some brief and ambiguous documentation and Effie Bush’s sometimes apparently partially muddled account, all that we have on these particular matters between October 1861 and October 1864 are one enlistment document for July 1864 and the sometimes accurate, sometimes forgetful and confused memories of a man who sometimes liked to kid about his wartime service. We do have some negatives, but they are powerful. He is not on muster rolls where he should be for the first two of these events. He is not on Georgia’s published militia muster rolls either. 138 However those same publishers of these rolls refer to the prevalence of “indifferent record keeping”139 Serrano does mention that even he archivists had a battle finding Bush’s records, bur were eventually successful.140 His widow recalled the homely detail that Bush apparently indulged in the common practice of trading Confederate tobacco for Union coffee while on nightly sentry duty, very believable. Other problems with Bush’s credibility soon emerge. In the 1910 census his response to the last four questions was, to draw a loop of Os through them. One of those questions concerned his farm record, another asked if he was a Civil War veteran. Denial? Boredom? Refusal? The middle name on his tombstone and some documents is Joshua, not Jordan. These factors alone cause uncertainty and his faulty memory caused more. In his last years Bush claims to William R. Scaife & William Harris Bragg, Joe Brown’s Pets: The Georgia Militia 18611865. Macon: Mercer University Press, 2004. pp258-313 139 Ibid, pX. 140 Serrano, p95. 138 139 have been Lee’s bodyguard, to have been at the battles of Cross Keys, Gettysburg, Atlanta, Milledgeville and an unknown battle, Duncan’s Old Field and then at Appomattox. On investigation these claims are a mixture of true, untrue and uncertain. In a 1951 news release fellow townsman Ben Chatfield recounted how Bush would gleefully tell tall tales “with a sly twinkle in his eye that tipped you off to the fiction.” 141 Unfortunately facial expressions are lost when going into print and Chatfield was not explicit about which stories were true and which were bull. How much of Bush’s recollections were in this vein and how many were serious remains uncertain. When he filled out his 1936 pension claim Bush said he served for about six months, and then wrote what is apparently “don’t remember of discharge” in bad handwriting next to that. When asked for his militia unit’s name he wrote that he was in the Georgia State Militia but could not remember exactly, but they were named Joe Brown’s Pets.142 This derisive nickname applied to all those units in Georgia held back for state defence by the Governor Joe Brown, not to a single unit. However accounts of the Georgia State Militia after Atlanta’s fall list it as just that, Georgia State Militia. Bush remembered their name correctly, but assumed it was descriptive, not official, and that they had some other title that he did not know. He may have been trying to recall the 2nd Georgia Militia Regiment, a unit of ninety men that were part of the militia division that were in the battles for Atlanta: a William Bush, probably from Laurens County, was enlisted in their ranks in Company A in July 1864. Bush stated that he had not been allowed to re-join the army because he was too young and to have served in the Georgia militia and surrendered with them at the war’s end. At one stage in one application document he said he had stated all that he could remember of his war service.143 A 1949 interview with him ‘Georgia’s Last Confederate’ by Wylly Folk St John clears up some of this uncertainty.144 141 Hoar, Vol. III p1692. Carter, pp273-274. 143 Bush William Joshua: Confederate Pension Applications. Pages 1-5 computer reprint. 144 Wyilly Folk St. John, ‘Georgia’s Last Confederate’ April 24th 1949. Reproduced under Bush’s entry in Find A Grave. 142 140 Bush loved to flirt and clown, but he has gravitas and gains respect in this 1940s photo. He admitted to lying to enlist, serving in Company B 14th Georgia Infantry, and said he would have lied to get out, then contradicted himself saying he served until the end and would do it again. He stated he spent much of the war under General Gordon (which seemingly meant service in Virginia sometime between 1861 and 1865) and some of it under General Johnston. The latter claim mentioning generals seemingly narrows it down to service in Virginia from late 1861 till possibly late May 1862 and from Georgia from late 1863 to July 1864 and eastern Georgia and the Carolinas in 1865.The computerised muster roll typed up in 1963 of ‘The Ramah Guards’ Company B. 14th Georgia Infantry gives information that ties in with some of his statements given in the 1936 pension claim and the original documents, but also raises more confusion. It gives his war service as lasting from enlistment on July 9 th 1861. This was the same day the Ramah Guards had their ceremonial awarding 141 of the colour and the day before his twelfth, fifteenth or sixteenth birthday and just days before the Ramah Guards went to Atlanta. The 14th Georgia Infantry’s original battle flag. This flag matches the description made by Bush’s widow, who donated it to the Blue and Gray museum in Fitzgerald Georgia. With his cousin Ben H. Bush he seems to have enlisted and committed the first of his run offs just days before the company left. This ties in with his widow’s recollection of his running off several times. The 14th Georgia were given “splendid” uniforms and a farewell barbecue on July 4th just before they left for the front in Virginia that summer. They arrived too late for the first battle at Bull Run, but by that autumn they knew some of war’s more dreary horrors.145 The unit was hit by outbreaks of mumps and measles, and also exposure and fatigue. Medical help was so rare and disorganised, that at one stage of the regiment’s 770 enlisted soldiers only 120 reported fit for duty and many died.146 This situation led to Bush being discharged on 22nd October for an unnamed disability. Ben Bush was given the same cause in his discharge six weeks later.147 Enlistments were for 90 days and he may have been found out to be under aged as he said. Hs war record lists Cross Keys as his first battle, which sounds odd, as this was fought in Virginia in June 1862 and was followed by another battle the next day at Port Republic, which is not listed on his record. In 145 Fisher, previous citation; Davidson, previous citation; Ray Dewberry, History of the 14th Georgia Infantry Regiment. Winchester; Maryland, 2008. pp5-6. 146 Dewberry, previous citation. 147 Davidson; Fisher; See also Bush’s discharge documents. 142 his August 1936 pension application he denied ever being wounded or captured, so why wasn’t he at the next day’s battle? This makes for a gap of two years four months in his war record. His unit did serve at Gettysburg where he said he was, seriously or not, but unlike other battles, Gettysburg does not appear in his muster roll war record list. This Gettysburg story was among those previously mentioned as being related to Ben Chatfield, perhaps “with a sly twinkle in his eye?” Other serious problems emerge with what he says, most can be cleared with investigation. The Georgia regiments at Cross Keys in June 1862 were the 12th Georgia and the 21st Georgia. Bush does not seem to have been enlisted in either from the written evidence now left. Although the handwriting is nearly illegible at times his records then seem to refer to being mustered out in April 1862. The previously mentioned possible second enlistment in the 14th Georgia might be a factor here. Bush may have spent time serving with one of General Gordon’s units and then been rejected as being too young when it came time to fill out the enlistment papers. These were not done on a daily basis, but were weekly, monthly or quarterly tasks. He could have been discharged twice: once in 1861 for a disability and once in April 1862 on age, with the second discharge papers possibly being burnt in the 1880s fire. The reference to General Johnston as overall commander suggests that if this happened this way, as General Johnston commanded from the middle of 1861 until he was wounded and replaced by Lee on May 31st 1862. This would explain the discrepancy between his recorded discharge and his unrecorded claim about age. If he served in the Virginian theatre of war after being discharged in October 1861 there seems to be no known trace apart from the date April 1862, and the words Cross Keys on his record. This reference to Cross Keys has two other possible explanations. The first possibility is that when the 14 th Georgia were in the Kanawha Valley in 1861 under the command of General Floyd, they were one of three regiments there. Only forty Confederate casualties were lost and at least twice that for the Union, but the thousands involved would have made Cross Lanes looked like a major battle to a boy.148 The larger, more famous Cross Keys battle made more of an impression. The two locales in north-western Virginia were in fairly close proximity to someone travelling up from Georgia. Unfortunately for this idea, a letter written by a 14th Georgia soldier says the regiment had not taken part in a battle or a skirmish before 148 The alternative title is just Cross Lanes. A fairly detailed account is 7th Ohio Volunteers at Kessler’s Cross Lanes. www.oberlinheritagecentreorg/research/lear/kesslers 143 April 1862.149 This letter may be erroneous or Bush and others may have been rushed in as piecemeal replacements, or enthused, rushed to take part without orders. Even Bush’s account of being Lee’s bodyguard story may just possibly have an exaggerated grain of truth. Lee was in the same area at this time and it was standard practice for sentries and guards to be outside a commander’s tent – or to guard his horse. However the Battle of East Macon provides the most likely explanation among the three possibilities. It occurred near Macon Georgia on July 30 th 1864, was part of the Atlanta Campaign and the Confederate unit most heavily involved in the fighting were the Georgia Militia. This was where and when Bush said he was involved. The village of Cross Keys was very close nearby and in the way of the Union attack.150 Rebel militia man Sam Criswold recalled the battle for a magazine article in 1909. He located their militia “on the left of the road to Cross Keys” where they came under artillery bombardment, but eventually routed the enemy and captured its commander after taking around eighty casualties.151 The militia were then placed in the defences of Atlanta, where they stayed until the city fell. They were praised for their stoic courage for enduring regular “close fire of the enemy mostly night and day” during much of that time.152 General John B. Gordon Gordon 149 Brigadier George W. Dewberry, p10. Scaife and Bragg, p37. 151 Ibid, pp37-38 p340 s/n 51. 152 Ibid, p39. The authors give a long passage from a contemporary report by the militia’s commander, General Gustavus W. Smith. p39. 150 144 This copyrighted photograph of William J. Bush is courtesy of Richard Menard. The original in different sizes and also other Civil War photographs can be viewed by going to the website “Images of William Joshua Bush’ and then clicking ‘open’ on the small image, then follow the links. 145 Bush in old age wearing the replicated Confederate general’s uniform he loved to wear on special occasions. His facial expression here has something of the trenchant expression of the Civil War photo. Another similar confusion with a likely resolution seems to be over General Gordon. As mentioned Bush may have served under John B. Gordon in some 146 unmentioned unit or capacity if he was mustered out in April 1862. More likely possibilities emerge. The 14th Georgia was formed at the locale of Gordon, but apparently did not serve in General John B. Gordon’s famous Georgia Brigade, nor was he the 14th Georgia regiment’s colonel or its brigadier, at least officially. Its brigadiers were Floyd, and then in order J.R. Anderson, Wade Hampton and E.L. Thomas. The last mentioned replaced Hampton after Seven Pines, commanding them until their surrender.153 General John B. Gordon served in Ewell’s Corps, then commanded it. Thomas served in A.P. Hill’s Corps.154 Bush may have been confusing the famous General John B. Gordon with the officer George W. Gordon, who was in the fighting near Charleston in 1863 and then in Georgia and Tennessee, rising to the rank of brigadier. This General Gordon would later hold a high position in the Ku Klux Klan. The more famous General John B. Gordon would be rumoured to do the same.155 Many years later both would be Commanders in Chief of the United Confederate Veterans.156 Bush would have much to do with the latter organisation. General George W. Gordon commanded the 63rd Georgia where a Private William Bush was enlisted.157 Bush junior never claimed enlistment with this regiment, but this unit would be in the Atlanta battles where Bush said he served. Like Bush’s father in the 1860 census, this man gave no middle initial. Like Bush’s father, this regiment’s volunteers came from south-east Georgia. The unit was formed in late 1862, being stationed near Savannah. Effie Bush’s account starts to sound plausible as running away from Gordon, Georgia to nearby Savannah to visit his father several times must be much more likely than continuously running the long distance up to Virginia to see a man who is not known as enlisted there. While General Beauregard commanded in Georgia, Florida and South Carolina, after recovering from his wounds General Joseph Johnston was put in supreme command of those Confederate forces between the Western armies of Edmund Kirby Smith and those of Lee. Knowing that means Bush’s statement 153 Official Records. History of the 14th Georgia Infantry.; See also Dewberry p5 p14 p18 p115 154 Dewberry p86, p103, pp112-113. 155 Hurst p287, p294. 156 Hoar, Vol. III p1174. 157 John Griffin, History of the 63rd Georgia Volunteer Infantry (CSA) Confederate States of America Posted 23 Nov. 2003. 147 about being commanded by Johnston and Gordon makes sense, although not in the way that initially seems obvious. Alternatively Bush’s stays with this unit may have been tolerated by his father without enlistment while it was on peaceable garrison duty, especially allowing for the long regular time gap in the enlistment process. However he may have been sent back by his father in late June 1863 or at the beginning of July when the unit knew that it was being sent to defend Fort Wagner against the obviously upcoming Union attack. Being rejected as too young at seventeen, the age Effie Bush gave, now fits a birth year of 1845 or 1846 in this possibility. That reason for rejection of being too young initially sounds odd, considering how young many at this age were serving by then. However William Bush senior may have had enough clout to stop his son’s enlistment in the 63 rd and/or to send his son back as too young. All this is hypothetical, conjectural, thin on evidence – and quite plausible, fitting in with what we do know. Whatever the reality of his life in the period between October 1861 and the summer of 1864, Bush would soon be in other battles – and once again they lead to tangles as efforts to place him hit snags. Even so, as with Cross Keys, once again a closer examination of what Bush claims proves his veracity about matters which initially seem dubious. Like Griswoldville, Cross Keys and Gettysburg, at least initially, fighting at Atlanta looks like a very probable but unsubstantiated claim. ‘Atlanta’ was actually a series of battles fought from mid-July until 1st September 1864. His known militia enlistment however, dates from October 1864 to the militia surrender in Georgia in 1865. Margaret Mitchell, a journalist before she was a novelist, spent years doing her homework using family stories, history and eyewitnesses before Gone With the Wind was published.158 Bush himself said the movie was like being there.159 She writes of Georgia at this time, sinking into destruction and chaos, where youngsters try to enlist, jails were emptied as prisoners were made recruits and elderly gentlemen marched in the infantry. She had it right; historically prisoners and cadets were joined in Confederate units as boys were accepted.160 Several historians tells a similar story. These include Samuel Carter III in his The Siege of Atlanta 1864, and Shelby Foote in his sections dealing 158 Anne Edwards, The Road to Tara: The Life of Margaret Mitchell. 1985. London; Coronet/Holdder & Stoughton, 1985. pp136-137 and passim through the first half of her biography. 159 Serrano, p94; Hoar, Vol.III quoting Chatfield p1692. 160 “Joseph E. Brown” Wikipedia quoting a long highlighted passage from Georgia Land and People. (1919) by Frances Letcher Mitchell.; Samuel Carter III, The Siege of Atlanta 1864. New York; St. Martin’s Press, 1973. p371. 148 with the 1864 Georgia campaign in The Civil War; a Narrative. Red River to Appomattox. Daniel Cone’s recent Last to Join the Fight: The 66th Georgia Infantry is a well-researched history of the last raised Georgia regiment. This book also deals extensively with the desperate manpower situation. William R. Scaife and William Harris Bragg do the same with the whole militia in Joe Brown’s Pets: the Georgia Militia 1861-1865. General John Bell Hood permeates the second half of his memoir Advance and Retreat with his concern about the desperate situation, manpower losses, recruitment and their replacement. The expressed concerns were shared by the state government and acted upon with diligence as the state and Savannah council proclamations show. All of these works recount in detail the desperate scouring for recruits and the determined and ruthless effort to stave off defeat. To solve the manpower shortage they were taking nearly anybody, including boys. In a proclamation of November 19th 1864 Georgia Governor Joe Brown declared that all white males in Georgia with very few exceptions aged between sixteen and fifty-five were to be conscripted and those who failed “to report shall be subject to the pains and penalties of the crimes of desertion.”161 Six days later Savannah’s mayor went even further: “The time has come for every male who shoulder a musket can make himself useful in defending our hearths and homes.”162 His proclamation ended with similar threats. Both threats were not just sabre rattling. Possès brought in many of those arrested for failing to report.163 Given the way that the state government scoured Georgia for every able white man from their early teens to their sixties, then used them to face Sherman’s brutal invasion and that he already had military experience, he was almost certainly doing what he claimed: fighting at Atlanta and Cross Keys Georgia months before his written up enlistment date – or perhaps it was written up in any one of the units which took part in those battles and had a William Bush enrolled – in the 2nd Militia Regiment, (the most likely) or the 63rd. With every available white man under the conscription edict, with Bush’s 1861 service and his age, what strains credibility is that he would not have served somewhere. The questions become where? For how long? And what was his 1864-1865 service like? He adamantly insisted he had been at Atlanta’s battles and his claimed battle list matches the battle list of the 2nd Georgia Militia. The battles that unit 161 Scaife and Bragg, pp68-69. They reproduce the proclamation. Ibid, p143. 163 Ibid, p155. They reproduce this proclamation. 162 149 missed were the ones he did not claim, so he was almost certainly the William Bush enlisted in that unit. Confederates attack at the ferociously fought battle of Atlanta He had his enlistment recorded in the Georgia Militia in October 1864. This was when the militia were reassembled at Macon as militiamen were returning from a furlough granted for harvesting.164 Redoing or adding to the muster rolls was a likely part of this reorganising and so Bush was enrolled, whenever his service started. It lasted till the militia’s surrender at Stephens Station, near Macon. His listings include taking part in the battles of Cross Keys, Atlanta and Duncan’s old Field.165 Milledgeville gets mentioned, but probably as a mustering point or garrison duty as there was apparently little resistance when Sherman invaded the town and burnt it. Bush could have been part of that scant resistance or skirmishes or battles fought near there. Duncan’s Old field sounds an odd reference; it does not show up on listed detailed civil war battlefield lists. However one of the few battles fought by the militia was called the battle of Griswoldville. This was fought on November 164 165 Scaife and Bragg, p43. Bush William Joshua:: Confederate Pension Applications. 150 22nd 1864 and although it was named for a nearby town, the Georgia State Militia charged across open farm fields at Duncan’s Farm, towards Duncan’s Ridge.166 A battle Bush did not mention was at Honey Hill on December 1st 1864. Several Georgia militia units were involved there, but the 2nd Brigade, in which he was probably enlisted, was among the militia units which could not reach the battlefield in time. After this victory the militia were involved in preparing and manning Savannah’s defences. They were involved in evacuating that city just before Christmas and then guarding Macon, Georgia’s new de facto capitol. The surrender there was on April 20th. The Confederate forces there were held captive at a stockade nearby at what had been a Union officers’ prison.167 Governor Brown gave the formal surrender followed by paroles on May 8th. This roughly matches Bush’s brief account. However another statements Bush made cannot possibly be true: such being at Appomattox. Being Lee’s body guard is a very long stretch, even for possibly doing sentry duty near him. Gettysburg also must be extremely unlikely. Others are dubious or ambiguous. His lack of affirmation on the 1910 census reads oddly for such a proudly die-hard Confederate. His statement about serving six months jars when even the records we have clearly show at least nine combined and indicate much more. His vagaries, jokes and omissions, the confusions over his discharge, his different birthdates and middle names and some of his delight and boastfulness in his celebrity role in old age initially change a certainty into a probable for many. Until early in 2014 when this writer’s efforts were initially accepted in a famous encyclopaedia entry and Bush was verified, and then eight weeks later a photograph appeared on the net, virtually every writer on the topic treated his war record as probable at best. Even so, without the burned documents, even without the dubious 63rd record or the more probable 2nd Militia Regiment enrolment, indisputable primary source evidence even apart from the muster rolls shows that he was a soldier in the Civil War. After having gone through the possibilities, confusions and probable things that are not so, it is worthwhile to reaffirm the undisputable evidence. “Griswoldville _The Gettysburg of Georgia’ Stewart “Goober” Douglas ACWS Newsletter Spring, 2012. http://www.acws. Co.uk/archives/history/Gettysburg – Georgia.php.; Richard J. Lenz, The Civil War in Georgia, An Illustrated Traveller’s Guide. p2. All three sources make some reference to Duncan’s Farm or Duncan’s Ridge. 167 Ibid, p159. 166 151 Five original 1861 documents, from official archives, showing enlistment and discharge were signed by two copyists, a paymaster, Bush’s captain and a legally required witness. They were verified as Bush’s records by MajorGeneral Bergin in a letter of August 25th 1953.168 As well as this, Bush could not fabricate two other muster rolls, that of the 14th Georgia and the militia. Serrano, while sceptical, states that Georgia officials eventually found his militia records.169 The age factor has already been dealt with in earlier sections on boy soldiers as well as what has been mentioned here. Now we even have a portrait, a Civil War era photo of him in Confederate uniform. Despite over eighty years between them that photo shows a strong resemblance to 1940s and 1950s portraits. Those who call him a discredited imposter have only two things to hang their evidence on: his tall stories and the census irregularity. A point needs to be made for the census as ultimate evidence for census obsessives. Even if he was born as late in 1850 he was still old enough to be conscripted in Georgia in 1864. The same people who reject Bush accept the Union man Woolson, born between 1847 and 1850, a teller of tall tales and an 1864 enlistee. As in law, in history the rules of evidence should apply equally. All this evidence leaves only one other possibility for those who cannot allow him verification, identity theft. That however, would have been the world’s most prolonged confidence trick as it lasted over a hundred years: from birth till death he lived in the same small area where such a trick would be evident and nobody has ever accused him of that. How many soldiers of low rank have so much evidence for their service? He was in the war. Other evidence, conjectural at present, fills in several gaps and reveal his vagaries to be essentially accurate. We could start with the way Bush may have understood the word “serve” in the departmental question of how long did he serve? He may have took that as meaning “serve in actual fighting conditions” not train in uniform or lie sick in hospital. If that is so his reply makes more sense, for his undisputed recorded continuous battlefield service in the militia comes to six months. Alternatively he may have meant army service and discounted militia service, and/or time in hospitals or furloughs. He wrote on his pension application that he could not remember many details and this seems true.170 Collection from Fold 3. http:// www. Fold3.com/image35837317 Serrano, p95. 170 Letter to Dan Askews, 22ND August 1936; Confederate Pension Applications. 168 169 152 Bush’s payout in October 1861 Bush during his years as a farmer After the war, he returned to farming and married soon after, but outlived his first wife and their six children. In 1922 He married Effie Sharp, a local school teacher. Bush retired to Fitzgerald, Georgia. Like Townsend and Woolson, Bush loved music, socials and was a popular figure in the community. Into advanced old age he would still dance. Bush attended over sixty 153 Confederate reunions, including the last in May 1951, held in Virginia. With the other two attending veterans, Salling and Townsend, he was feted; the three men got on well together. He loved the attention, frequent merriment and the company, delighting in flirting and making confident comments about his age, vigour and stamina. After his wartime suffering, the burning of his home, the deaths of his wife and children and decades of the hard life of a farmer, who could blame him for wanting an escape? Bush’s home in Fitzgerald He faced life with a trenchant, tough energy, but also with a good humoured outlook that was totally lacking in self-pity, remorse or maudlin sadness, despite a lifetime of harder blows than most suffer. He was a staunch Democrat who always voted for eighty-five years.171 He served as a Baptist deacon and also as a master mason. He lived in good health until his last months.172 Perhaps because the area had voted against succession in 1861, the town of Fitzgerald was established in 1895, being a remarkable settlement as it was 171 172 Hoar, Vol. III p1692. Robert Calhoun, Previous Citation. 154 deliberately designed as part of the reconciliation process, bringing Union veterans to live with Confederates. It was named after a former Union drummer boy who thought up the scheme.173 Only a few other similar schemes were set up, in Florida.174 Streets alternated names of Union and Confederate celebrities and one local hotel was entitled The Lee-Grant Hotel. Bush had a street named after him.175 The local museum is entitled the Blue and Gray. The scheme was a quiet success. Bush took part in the reconciliation ceremony every Veteran’s Day. The senior Union soldier would lay a wreath on the Confederate monument and eventually Bush, as the senior Confederate, would match this with a wreath on the Union monument.176 That ceremony was designed by the wise. A Mural in Fitzgerald, based on the city’s seal. Unsigned website Brown’s Guide to Georgia. Hoar, Vol. III p1691 n2. 175 Hoar, Vol. III p1691. 176 St. John. 173 174 155 * 156 Arnold Murray Result: His Confederate Service is verified.√ Date of Birth: given as 10th June 1846 perhaps 1847/1848 and possibly as late as 1854/1855 although this is unlikely. Date of Death: 26th November 1952. Age at enlistment: One newspaper in an obituary notice said he was fourteen, another claimed eighteen and another stated he was a teenager. He said he was “a youngster.” He may have been nine or ten. Rank: Private. Unit: 11th South Carolina Infantry. Probably also the 4th South Carolina Cavalry from September 1863 until early 1864. Service: Training and garrison service on the coast of South Carolina. 157 Combat Experience: He denied combat experience but he may have fought. Length of service: “Late in the war” until just after Joseph Johnston’s surrender, for Murray this was in late April or early May 1865. * Although many source notes are given, much of this account of Arnold Murray’s life is based on the following sources: ‘Arnold Murray’ by Jay S. Hoar The South’s Last Boy’s in Gray Volume III of his trilogy. Pages 1694-1695. The Associated Press story of May 1951. Three obituaries from November 1952 by local papers and The Charlottesville Observer. Arnold Murray Memorial Wall Fold 3 This contains several newspaper stories from the early 1950s and other information. Irvin Shuler, Memorial Service Arnold Murray This booklet was put together for the December 2nd 2002 50th Anniversary Commemorative Service for the 1952 funeral of Arnold Murray. Irvin Shuler, The Last Confederate Soldier of South Carolina. scscv.com/ the-last –confederate-soldier-of-south-carolina. Posted March 24th 2014. With added contributions. E-mails from Linda Baker 8th April 2015 and then later in April. In May and a letter containing transcripts and facsimiles of South Carolina enlistments and UCV documents were sent. * Evidence of Service apart from his own accounts; After this book went into the first printing website statements made by a descendant by marriage mentioned evidence, which when assessed and credited, would verify Arnold Murray beyond anyone’s capacity for doubt. This as yet unseen evidence includes enlistment documentation, letters written home while serving in the army and a Confederate medal. At this point these matters are being investigated by this writer. At least four enlistments with his surname and different middle initials were in the 11th South Carolina Volunteers muster roll. Two cannot possibly be him, and another is unlikely, but just the name “Arnold Murray” located in 158 Charleston, appears on two Confederate military documents in connection with a petition to transfer from the 4th South Carolina Cavalry into the 11th South Carolina Infantry. He knew the name of his commanding officers and where and when his unit was located.177 He also had a photograph of his young self in Confederate uniform. In the 1930 census, he identified himself as a Confederate by writing yes to being a veteran and “civ” for the narrow column which asked in what conflict. He is listed as a Confederate veteran in a family bible, but this might be a 1980s comment. His death certificate lists him as a Confederate veteran. Starting in 1896, the South Carolina Branch of the United Daughters of the Confederacy started interviewing veterans for their stories. They interviewed him when he attended a Confederate Veteran’s Reunion near his home in Orangeburg South Carolina on October 12th 1910. His entry states his full name followed by “Co. A. 12th SC Capn. Raysor.”178 This officer was one of his regiment’s commanding officers, but the company and regiment are wrong listings. Raysor is listed commanding Company H in the 11 th and appears not at all in the 12th.179 Arnold Murray would later claim to be in the 11th SC Infantry. As early as 1910 he was beginning to muddle details in his memory. On May 28th 1913 he was in a group photo while attending a large Confederate Veteran’s Reunion in Tennessee, the second last place where any faker with a grain of sense would go. The title of first place would have to be the Orangeburg reunion where men from the large 11th South Carolina unit were likely to be. If he was a fraud this disgrace would rapidly spread locally as an incomplete roll for that event shows that of the fifty-seven listed, thirteen were from Orangeburg and as he had been living there for about forty years, would probably have known Arnold Murray, and probably his age and past.180 The 1913 photograph shows that he kept his Confederate uniform.181 Others in South Carolina e-mailed me enlistment documents for A.B. Murray of the 11th SC that 177 Roger K. Hux, p11. This information comes from a 1950 interview with Arnold Murray by James A. Rogers.; Hoar also mentions Arnold knowing his officers but gives different names. Vol. III p1694. 178 Linda Baker e-mail April 8th 2015. The original document was in a collection eventually printed in 1986 as Recollections and Reminiscences 1861-1865. The reference to Arnold Murray is in Volume V on page 575. See note 178. 179 Find the Best ‘ Civil War Soldiers’ This database lists Civil War enlistments and has the entire enlistments for the 11th South Carolina Infantry Regiment. http://civil-warsoldiers.findthebest.com/d/a11thSouth.Carolina.Infantry 180 ‘Roll of Confederate Veterans Attending A Reunion at Orangeburg, S.C. Oct. 12TH 1910’ Vol 5. Recollections and Reminiscences 1861-1865. pp 574-575. 181 This is apparent from a group photo with names on the back in a computer catalogue specialising in Confederate antiques. Among the others are Pleasant Crump and a Thomas E. Riddle of Texas who is more likely to be a doctor of that name than Thomas Evans Riddle. TennRebGirl.com 3/4/2014. 159 put me on the trail to Fold 3 where two of these 1864 military documents have the full name Arnold Murray on them. These show him as serving in the 11th SC Infantry Regiment, in Charleston, where he said he was, when he said he was there. Other 1864 documents have A. Murray or A.B. Murray serving in the 11th South Carolina and link to the same man with the first name Arnold. The original documents have him in Company I under the command of Robert Campbell. This matches the naming of his new officer in his transfer documents 182 He was accepted as genuine by the state government’s pensions department. This initially looks like a cast iron strong case, but military records show a perhaps muddled, and definitely ambiguous account. Even more muddled, mistaken, ambiguous and at times ridiculously impossible census records may also, despite their many errors, may still possibly have a point against Confederate verification. However those who doubt the reliability of censuses also have an extremely strong case, in fact an exemplary case when census documents concerning the Murray family are examined. For those believing in America’s censuses it would be difficult to find or even imagine a more damaging case to their credibility than census documents for the Murray family. The reasons for being listed as debunked: Even among those who would seem to be his most ardent supporters, the Orangeburg Daughters of the Confederacy, there were some sceptics about his claims and archivists could find no record of his service.183 They apparently did not know of the 1910 interview. He left the Civil War question in the 1910 census blank. Three early censuses are a major reason for doubt and so should be examined in depth. Strong if confused evidence against verification concerns soldiers with the enlistment names A. Murray in the 11th South Carolina and also a W.B.Murray, also in Company H. The man who many often credit as being him on enlistment documents, A.D. Murray of Company H, cannot possibly be him. Details of the second enlistment, for an A.B. Murray shows evidence for and against this being Arnold Murray (1846-1952). The for side comes out as the stronger. While some parts of this record agree, other large parts are very different to Murray’s accounts. Arnold’s receiving a Confederate pension gives a motive for possible falsification.184 The debate: The Murray family suffered at the hands of the census takers more than most, beginning before Arnold’s birth and continuing into his Find the Best ‘ Civil War Soldiers’ 11TH South Carolina enlistments list. See also the request for transfer letter February 1864 towards the end of this segment. 183 Hux p10. 184 Unsigned Article, Arnold Murray 1846-1952. Wednesday July 18th 2007. p2. 182 160 nineties. Although records give his mother’s exact full name and her maiden name next to the full name of her husband in two records, she was listed as born in 1825 in one and in 1829 in another.185 Apparently an illiterate man, in one census Arnold Murray misspelt his name Murry - or the census taker did. Either way in a house full of people listed as Murray, the census collector did not pick up the error. Another stunning ambiguity was that somebody listed Arnold as head of the household and then listed a very large number as a son or daughter, by implication even the nine year old was his when he was ninetyfour! Clearer 1950s accounts describe two daughters and a son and many grandchildren in the one household.186 More seriously, in 2010 a descendant of Arnold Murray’s brother went into the 1870 census lists and found her ancestors. She found both of Arnold Murray’s parents, and four of his siblings, giving full names which match those all correctly named in Ancestry.com. This website lists such sources as assorted censuses, obituaries, grave stones, family photos and voter registration lists.187 Arnold appears there with his parents George and Elizabeth and his siblings. He is listed as sixteen years old on his last birthday. The badly written month seems to be July. If he was born in June, even allowing that the census month took place a month earlier, that means he could have at the most, been aged twelve when the war ended, and probably was as young as ten – if this document is reliable. This assumes that the census taker filled out the forms correctly. They are in his cramped to almost illegible handwriting. The 1880 census essentially repeats this idea, listing him as twenty five last birthday, also meaning he was probably born in mid-1854. The 1900 census stays in line with this date. One document does list his birth year as about 1854. Initially this looks damning to his credibility. However the 1870s and 1880s censuses prove unreliable and contradict all censuses after and including that of 1910. The censuses officials and their believers stated that their own 1910 census for him did not exist, but it does. This mistake gives some idea of the unreliability of the censuses. Every ten years the federal census supposedly counts every American. A researcher points out that he does not appear in the 1850 census, therefore he 185 See ancestry .com Elizabeth Olive Murray (nee Groom) Wife of George Edward Allen Murray. Compare the first entry of the printout page 1 with the one on page 4. 186 Unsigned Article, Arnold Murray 1846-1952. Wednesday July 18th 2007. http://sclohistorian.blogspot.comau/2007/07arnold-murray-1846-1952.html 187 Louise Murray-Pino, “Re: Arnold Murray, the Last Confederate Veteran of the Carolinas died in 1952.” January 3rd 2010. Genforum /Genealogy.com. In reply to JC Block. http://genforum.genealogy.comsc/messages/23787.html; Ancestry.com 161 could not have been born before 1850.188 While such negatives are usually flimsy as evidence, this time a valid point initially appears to have been made: despite Home Alone, forgetting a toddler must be difficult. The record here shows his parents and two of his brothers. James is born in 1846 in the family tree and in one document, but appears as apparently aged sixteen in the 1850 census, meaning his birthdate should be 1843 or 1844. The younger brother Arthur was born in 1849 - and then no other sibling appears. Like the 1870 and 1880 censuses, this also initially looks like a solid case - until the family censuses on both sides of the family are examined more closely. The contradictions in this census marks just the start of the problems. Their father George Murray is listed as aged forty-eight here, meaning he was born in 1801 or 1802, but several other census documents put his birth year as 1825. Given his Civil War service as an infantryman the later date seems more likely. His wife is listed as aged thirty-eight, therefore she was born in 1811 or 1812, but other documents, while disagreeing with each other, as already mentioned, put her birth year well into the 1820s. The younger son Arthur, is listed correctly as being one year old in 1850 and his sister is fourteen. However if George, Elizabeth and James, three out of five all have their ages wrong by over a decade or two, can we trust their statement about Arnold’s birth year being wrong by around seven to nine years? Perhaps we could, if this was the last of the errors so far, but it is not. A great deal of other obvious evidence emerges against the census statements. In the 1860 census only one man named George A. Murray in South Carolina is present. His birth year here is around 1805, while Arnold’s father was probably born in 1825. His Charleston parish address and his occupation are the same as in other censuses. His wife is Elizabeth, but her birth year is around a decade earlier than for Arnold’s mother and no James, Arthur, or Arnold appear. Instead there are ten different children listed. Only one, Mary has a name the same as those listed in the 1870 census for the Murrays and her birthdate is very different. These children have birthdates ranging from 1836/1837 to 1849/1850. In the 1860 census at least three of these names are misspelled, when compared to what they were a decade before. Unless the census taker mixed up the parents putting Arnold’s parents at the top of a list of other children (totally possible from the levels of competency suggested so far) this must be another family. This probability must be so when transcriptions from their family bible are compared. Amazingly two men named George JD Block posting in reply to Nancie O’Sullivan “Arnold Murray Confederate Veteran Living in 1950.” http:/genforum.genealogy.com/sc/orangeburg/messages/415.html dated August 5th 2005. 188 162 Murray, both with the initial A and with wives named Elizabeth, just might have lived in the same parish in Charleston. Cousins? Not even in the muddled world of the censuses can parents have ten children suddenly appearing to replace another vanished group. Or can they? In a 1981 transcription of their family marriages listed in the family Bible birthdates refers to a missing Rachel from the list and then the names of two sets of children are listed. A list of marriages involving several of these ten children including a marriage apparently among the two families, involving Arnold, suggestive evidence for two different families. The way Arnold’s siblings are not mentioned here suggests that this is so. These children are listed sequentially, number first, name next, then the letter M for married and the name of the person they married. In the transcription next to Laura, (born 1848/1849 by the 1860 census) is an obvious marriage to the Civil War claimant Arnold Murray, who they list here by his full name. He is described as “Confederate veteran” but it remains unclear if this is modern information (there are several such annotations) or 1870s writing transcribed. The family tree, but not the bible, has her maiden name or middle name as Bunch; was she widowed or adopted? No trace of a Laura Bunch shows up on the South Carolina archives. Marriages among cousins were common, but is this the case here? Or was a mistake made in the transcription, mixing up two Lauras? Given the orderly detail on the list this seems unlikely.189 Perhaps the error about the name Bunch is in the family tree. This bride would show up as Arnold’s wife in all the censuses they filled out up to her death in 1930. This transcription can be seen among the Arnold Murray documents at Ancestry.com. Tracing copyright may be difficult as the writers appear to be elderly in 1981. The Murray family tree also gives her an 1848 birthdate, as does the 1850 and 1860 censuses and her tombstone. The 1910 census gives her a birthdate of about 1843. That of 1920 gives around 1845, but the 1880 census gives Laura’s age as 26. For that to be correct four other censuses and a family tree must all be wrong and wrong by at least six years. Another factor is that women at that time seldom marry men six or seven years younger, perhaps… The 1910 census states they were married thirty-eight years, which means 1871/1872. Arnold marrying between the supposedly possible census given ages of fifteen/sixteen to seventeen/eighteen seems young for marriage, especially for a male, 189 In 1981 Members of the Murray family Minnie Murray and Tressie, wrote out by hand family ancestry from their 1829 family Bible. Arnold’s marriage and his Confederate service are mentioned, but not his date of birth. See “Murray Family Info from Tressie Murray” http://trees. Ancestry.com/tree/12744280/photo/v DErOj U51KDdyo71 Vxxn FhOjV!8Bw…S 163 especially as the first child Dorcas, apparently named after one of Laura’s siblings, was born in 1876. The 1910 census incidentally puts a line in Arnold’s first initial, making it look like an H and computerised lists recording it as such, creating a whole new non-existent person. This makes it seem that a new man has become household head in their home at Orangeburg County and fathered Arnold’s already growing children. In that census Arnold’s birth year is now recorded as 1842 and he claims literacy, but not Civil War service in that question box. The computerised version lists his age in 1910 as sixty-eight then forty-eight, but the original document seems to be clearly 68. Either age seems unlikely, not matching any other. If it is 48 he married Laura aged nine or ten. This impossibility based on the given marriage date and the interpreted age derives from the way both facts appear on the same page in that one census. Laura Murray has been put through exactly the same process as her husband, having her birth date and age mistakenly recorded by about six years either way, giving her birth as from around 1843 to 1854. While it could be argued that Arnold had a motive in concealing his real age to get the Confederate veteran’s pension, Arnold’s wife had no such motive and the old documents cannot be forged. Yet another case of massive census errors has emerged here and of census documents contradicting each other – and now themselves. The loss of a whole census document is also new and a new low in census inefficiency and errors. In the same note that said the 1870 census cast doubt on Arnold’s record the researcher mentions that all the census records they have for Arnold Murray show that he was “born in the area of 1854-1855.”190 This is vague for a census, which usually relies on precise ages or states otherwise. There may be confusion with others. Two Arnold Murrays are listed in the later census documents, and an Arnold Murry, all three apparently born or raised in Charleston. Given the census levels of unreliability it is entirely possible that all three different entries are not for three people but for one. The misspelling Murry also appears in later census documents applying to Arnold Murray. He stated that he was born near Holly Hill and Monks Corner before counties were drawn up.191 He moved to Orangeburg County in the Reconstruction era. This suggests there may be no official records and that he might not know his birth date, he was illiterate. This writer’s computer search and search by letters in likely places around Orangeburg has turned up nothing. Arnold’s in law’s 190 191 Arnold Murray 1846-1952. Postnote. Unsigned report “S.C. Mourns Last Rebel Soldier.” Charlotte Observer. Nov 27th 1952. 164 family Bible apparently ran out of space for new entries in genealogies in the early 1840s.192 Little reliance can be placed on the 1870 census after comparing it to other censuses or the Murray family tree. This tree remains incomplete, may contain errors and it does not list all the children of Arnold and Laura. No mention of her parents or siblings exists there: as his father’s siblings are recorded they were not first cousins. Of Arnold’s six siblings listed in the census, only one. Anna aged seven, has an age that agrees with the family tree birth year of 1863. Arnold’s younger brother Julius is out by two years, to be expected with the census’s usual last birthday rule, but Mary Ann, referred to as just Mary, gets a census age of twenty five when she is born in 1852 by the family tree. George is listed as eight when he was five sometime that year. William, turning ten that year, does not even get a mention or a listing. This is not due to an early death; he lived until 1916. The problem of Arnold being unlisted with his parents in the 1850 census finds a match and therefore an answer here. Others unspecified who are apparently not the children of George and Elizabeth are included. They may be adopted, visiting relatives or house servants: the census does not specify. The 1930 census demonstrates yet again the unreliability of census collectors. Arnold (described as “farther”) gets sandwiched between his sons Lee (name misspelled) and Lewis. With the description “brother” below Arnold’s name it reads as if his son Lewis was his brother. What does put Arnold Murray’s credibility into question more than the erroneous and confused censuses is his claim that he was born on 10 th June 1846. Whoever supplied the information in the 1870/1880 censuses gave him a much later birth year that cannot be explained by the frequent two year problem of requesting the age as of last birthday. In the Arnold family tree they accept Arnold’s 1846 birthdate and place it next to his brother James, 1846-1860. The options are that they were twins, somebody got James’s birth year wrong (most likely given his 1850 census age) or Arnold cannot have been born in 1846. It would be easy to say that the 1854/55 birthdate is so what? He must have been a child soldier, but if this claim that he was born in 1854/1855 is true, what do we make of the photograph which shows a young man who looks like he is a teenager? It is possible but very unlikely to be the photograph of a boy of aged around ten, even if at the war’s end, South Carolina Confederates took them this 192 The last new individual entries stop in 1841 but some extra information is added for those already there. 165 young for infantry – and like other Confederates we definitely know of, they probably did. “Big for his age” applies to William Townsend and may apply here, but to give some idea of the odds consider some personal observations. I went to an all-male school of over a thousand students and have taught High School and some primary for over twenty-five years, that makes for contact with thousands of adolescent boys and the “big for his age” “mature looking for his age” is fairly unusual. As a rough and generous estimate it applies to around four hundred out of several thousand I have taught or gone to school with. I did teach one such boy recently, turning twelve, he was continually taken for around sixteen or seventeen. He could, in a Confederate uniform, be a twin of the boy in the photograph. That makes me more receptive to Murray as a true veteran than many. It also gives yet even more good grounds for doubting the census. After putting this late birth date into the extremely dubious category it should be pointed out that possibly both the census birth year of 1854 and his military service can both be true. As previously mentioned, nearly thirty known Confederate soldiers were verified at eleven or under and Susan R. Hull mentions coming across records of several aged eleven or twelve – and she did not launch a systematic search for them. Arnold Murray said he enlisted as a youngster.193 This photo was for the 1949 Life magazine article on Civil War survivors. Beside this is an early version of the Confederate national flag developed into a regimental banner. It served as the battle flag for the first few months until Confederates at First Bull Run mistook it for the Union flag. 193 Unsigned article, Charlotte Observer November 27th 1952. Associated Press May 1951 story. 166 Generals Joe Johnston and Beauregard designed the crossed bars battle flag, but a few units, such as the 11th South Carolina kept to the original design. What does make the photo creditable are the obituaries which give separate information that have him enlisting in 1865 and then put his age at enlistment as fourteen. Considering that the alternative must be to give a respected man who told people to always be honest the reputation for fraud and hypocrisy, some caution with contrary, muddled and missing information must be the best option. Such a view is also very probably justified by reality: where Sherman marched Southern youngsters enlisted and officers were desperate for recruits. With three census documents against him, three other census documents go in Murray’s favour as a Civil War participant, those of 1920, 1930 and 1940. The 1910 census gives information for and against. While the birth dates 1854/1855 do not preclude Confederate service on age, but they do make it much less likely; it means he would have been younger than most of the frontline boy soldiers and teenagers of the Georgia State Militia when his war ended. In The South’s Last Boys in Gray Professor Hoar lists twenty two known boys aged under twelve serving in the Confederate forces. Of these only one gets enlisted as a musician and most have some fighting role.194 This writer found four more such fighters mentioned elsewhere. Even this record must be incomplete as it cannot list the many who overstated their age so as to enlist. Later censuses give later birthdates for Murray: a 1920 census giving his age as seventy-two. In the 1930 census he also gives his birth date as about 1848 and in the Life magazine article of 30th May 1949 his age is given as 101 (see the above photo) as Life states that they did carefully check all records.195 These are all plausible dates and they make the Confederate photo plausible; the boy in the photograph looks more like fifteen to twenty than ten to twelve. However only the 1940 census and his death certificate give the precise 1846 date. The 1913 reunion photo, while still strong evidence for Murray, is not quite as good as it could have been. The names of the men at the 1913 reunion who were in the photo total eight but only six are in the photo. Their names are on paper scraps that were with the photo; they do not indicate names in order, but he appears on the list. Three could be Murray but one of these, the tallest, is very probably Pleasant Crump. Among the six others one is identified as Renes Lee. Two others look stockier than Murray and one of these must almost certainly be Doctor Riddle. Another has a skull shape different to Murray’s. That still leaves two possibilities and one, the man on the end in his Confederate uniform, does look very much like him in Life. Murray’s height was five foot seven and this man looks about that height.196 If Murray was born in 1854 and 194 195 Hoar, Vol. III pp1733-1734. John Osborne, Life May 30th 1949. p9. 167 so was possibly too young to be the Confederate in the Civil War photo, he appears as too old to be born in 1854/55 for the 1913 image, for all these men look like they are well past sixty. That same shoe now goes on the other foot: those wishing to disprove Murray on age will have a stretch to prove that any of these men are only in their late fifties. Left: Arnold Murray’s transfer documents. Note the correct use of his first name. A second document using his full name is virtually identical to this. Right: A record of his second hospitalisation Below Left: His first hospitalisation Below Right: His Civil War Photograph (Photo courtesy of Irvin Shuler) 168 Arnold Murray This photo provides strong proof for his claim in another way, for to attend such a reunion, and particularly posing in a Confederate uniform for a group photo, can only be very strange, motiveless and foolish behaviour for someone posing as a veteran. At such a large national conference he would have been risking meeting men from the large unit he claimed to be in or be picked up as a fraud as soon as recollections or questions started. This is even more obvious with his attendance at the October 1910 Reunion at his home town in Orangeburg as South Carolinia’s veterans would have predominated. Over 350 veterans present were listed and many were presumably interviewed.197 Surely someone, either a veteran or a townsperson would have picked him up as a fraud or remembered him as being too young to have been in the war. Although the censuses are always used to disparage his claim and label him a fraud the more creditable and therefore more initially damaging information comes from the military world. This gets less attention. The 1870 census also reveals an A. D. Murray born in Shelbyville in 1840. Earlier censuses and slave owner schedules also list an A.F. D. Murray as a slave owner in South Carolina: either man might be the man who served in the 197 An e-mail from Linda Baker 8th April 2015. 169 11th South Carolina Volunteers, but the Shelbyville resident seems more likely. His census and enlistment ages and his company designation all match. Two men with Arnold’s first initial and surname were known as 11th South Carolina enlistments and A.D. Murray’s original documented record contains details that preclude him from being Arnold Murray. A.D. Murray aged twenty, enlisted in July 1861. He was captured during the Virginia campaigns in June 1864, but stayed on the rolls till August 31st of that year.198 He survived over a year in the hellish prison camp at Elmira and was freed around the time he took the Oath of Allegiance in July 1865. On three important counts, age, enlistment date and being removed from the scene at a time Arnold claimed service, this cannot be him. What interests and would strongly count against Arnold Murray is that this man served in Company H. This company identifying letter and the man’s middle initial often appear as being Arnold’s in secondary writings, so where does the information come from? Did Arnold, his family, the pensions office or researchers make an assumption? Pleasant Crump, Thomas E. Riddle, Renes Lee, Unknown, Unknown, Arnold Murray. Use of Photo courtesy of Peggy Dillard of Website Tennrebgirl 198 Confederate Abstract from the South Carolina Department of Archives & History. 22nd April 2014. Documents checked in Fold 3 contain this information and the other facts mentioned here containing his war service. This can be found by following these steps I open Civil War records. 2 Open Confederate Records 3 Type Arnold Murray in the search bar. 170 This identifying list is on the 1913 reunion photo. This company was under the Command of a Captain Raysor. In Roger Hux’s sceptical article he quotes from a 1950 interview were Murray identified this man as his captain.199 Arnold did the same in the 1910 interview. Professor Hoar gives different names for Arnold’s commanders, Captain Owens and Lieutenant Minus.200 In the 1930 census Arnold is listed as Arnold D. Murray and this nomenclature does not appear anywhere else. If it were proven that Arnold Murray insisted in his pension application or in interviews that he was A.D. Murray of Company H serving under Captain Raysor, his claims would be extremely dubious, at best. It may well be that an official finding that name assumed much and told him that this man’s record was about him and Arnold, being illiterate or uncertain in his memory or thinking it best to agree to what he thought was an 1860s clerical error, agreed. As early as the 1910 interview he was making mistakes with his military details, giving the wrong company and regiment as well as the wrong commanding officer. The record of the second man, A.B. Murray, reveals evidence showing that he is almost certainly Arnold Murray. He initially enlisted in the 4th South Carolina Cavalry in September 1863 and was transferred at his request to Company I of the 11th South Carolina in February 1864. Although most documents list him by his initials and surname, two other Confederate documents show that he was either Arnold Murray (1846-1952) or that he had 199 Hux p11. The interview was conducted by James A. Rogers for the Florence Evening News. 200 Hoar, previous citation. 171 the same name as Arnold Murray and that he was where Arnold Murray said he was in 1864. His transfer was into the 11th South Carolina Infantry in early 1864 was when they were training along the coast near Charleston. If this is coincidental it is a quartet of coincidences consisting of both having the same name, both being in the same locale and organization and both enlisting in that organisation at roughly the same time. That makes for quite a stretch! The only other findable Confederate soldier titled A. B. Murray was Augustus Babington Murray (1848-1924) who lived a very traceable life that cannot be that of Arnold Murray. He served in Company D of the 5th South Carolina Cavalry with his father John and brother Joshua.201 My first reaction on seeing the unit designation was to check the old documents, concerning the transfer of A.B. Murray into the 11th SC, but they clearly show that the 4th SC Cavalry written in as his original unit. This man gave a different birthdate, eight year’s earlier than Arnold’s earliest of 1846. He was a resident of Harleyville, (twenty five miles away from Orangeburg) suffered different war wounds on a different date and then went to a different hospital; he eventually surrendered in Virginia in April 1865.202 Less than clear is the role and the roll of a soldier named W.B. Murray. He was born on April 26th 1837 and enlisted on the 10th or the 16th of August 1861 in Captain T.E. Raysor’s Company H of the 11th South Carolina Infantry. During his service he was slightly wounded. It would be easy to dismiss this as badly written initials for or by Arnold Murray, but the writing is clear. It is also on a witnessed official document, a South Carolina pension application dated and signed May 28th 1919. The application also mentions that he is getting feeble. Arnold was noted for his good health and stamina in old age. Further proof that this person existed comes from a list of officers and men of the United Confederate Veterans drawn up by Major Goodwyn at St. George South Carolina on November 14th 1916. After their typed up names their units are given in handwriting in abbreviated form. Next to W.B. Murray is a 12 with a line through it then an 11. In 1910 Arnold mistakenly said he was in the twelfth SC Infantry and later said he was in the eleventh. Coincidence? In the Civil War Soldiers Database “findthedata’ this man does show up as W.B. M. Murray. This shows him listed in the company and unit where his pension application said he was. Enlisting as a private, he reached the rank of corporal. Too many 201 Linda Baker, previous citation. Signed and Witnessed Pension Application Statement dated 27th September 1919 for the State of South Carolina.; Confederate Abstract for A.B. Murray, from compiled service records. 202 172 details are different for this to be Arnold Murray. A.B. Murray of the 4th S.C. Cavalry is another matter. A.B. Murray was hospitalised in Richmond in May with a minnie ball in the back and hospitalised again with diarrhoea in the same Richmond Hospital for almost all of December. He was paroled at Greensboro on May 1st 1865. His service record initially appears as different to Arnold’s account to the extent that they if both accounts are accepted at face value and as substantially complete they seem very unlikely to refer to the same person. A closer look reveals otherwise. The 11th South Carolina Field and Staff with companies B,C,F,G,H,I, and K marched from Camp Milton, Florida to Charleston, arriving on April 21st 1864 and were stationed at Sullivan’s Island, where Murray said they were and where he said he served, but they left on May 1st 1864 for the fighting at Petersburg, Virginia.203 They were in the fighting at Petersburg from May 6th and would be involved in the battles of Deep Bottom, Drewry’s Bluff, Cold Harbour, Jerusalem Plank Road, Wilmington, Fort Fisher, Bentonville and others.204 After being moved to Wilmington on Boxing Day 1864 they were involved in The Army of Tennessee’s struggle against Sherman’s advance. Murray said he joined “in the latter part of the war” in one account and in 1864 in another while a third has him enlisting in 1865.205 He also said that he did not fight, but trained, first at James Island and then at Fort Moultrie on Sullivan’s Island.206 He correctly remembered this as their training base. The soldiers there were apparently trainees intended for the regiment, but seem to have served as a defacto garrison. The enlistment/ transfer documents for A.B. Murray from the cavalry to the 11 South Carolina are reproduced in this segment and while this man’s enlistment differs in many details from what Murray said decades later, there are three similar Confederate military documents that refer to Arnold Murray by that name. One probably refers to a Georgia enlistment with nearly the same name as it contains the name Arza - and nothing else. The other two both th 203 John P. Deeben, Archives I Reference Section e-mail 3rd October 2014. His source is Compiled Records Showing Service of Military Units in Confederate Organizations. South Carolina National Archives Microfilm Publication M861. 204 This record of the regiment is based in the work of Deeben, a history of the regiment by Steve Batson on the Website South Carolina in the Civil War, the charts graphs and account given of the regiment on the website Search for Soldiers findthedata and the history contained in the U.S. Civil War Soldiers and Sailor’s Database. 205 The different enlistment dates come from the different obituaries. 206 Hoar, Vol. III p1694. 173 definitely link him to the man from the 4th S.C. Cavalry and they place him in Charleston and Black Oak, South Carolina. One bears the word ‘petition’ and they both refer to seeing “the personal papers of a Private M.N. Waring of Company K of the 4th South Carolina.”207 Was this a friend who wrote and read for the illiterate Murray? These facts suggest the personal papers had something to do with the transfer because he no longer had a horse. A.B. Murray’s reproduced petitioning letter was written by an officer. One factor does count against A.B. Murray being Arnold Murray and that is the use of the middle initial, he apparently never had one or at least did not use it. A clue for why this might be so emerges from the pictured forms. While the words Arnold Murray appears in the forms where space seems ample, A.D. Murray and A.B. Murray - almost always appear in large handwriting on the smaller cramped documents, where not enough space appears as obvious. Unless he is someone different from A.F.D. Murray even A.D. abbreviates all that man’s initials. With two men having the same surname and initial in the same organisation, some form of differentiation was necessary.208 Was this the explanation? Interestingly the medical report for May 15th which deals with his Minnie ball wounding, just lists “A. Murray.” This enlistment opens up four possibilities, the first is that there were three or even perhaps five men in the 11th South Carolina Regiment with the surname Murray and the initial A and another Murray with the initials W.B.. Of these, three or even four previously mentioned soldiers were enlisted; perhaps Arnold was not, at least by his full name. He may have not been there long enough for the time lapse in enlistments to take place, especially with Beauregard’s and Johnson’s forces retreating and the surrender clearly approaching. An 11TH South Carolina enlisting clerk may have not wanted the confusion of yet another Murray or given him a new initial. If Company H had their own enlisting officer he must have laughed at getting another A. Murray and shooed him away – or he may have given him an initial, B. Arnold may have been a victim of the confusion years later. Now historians are. The next possibility is distasteful, reluctantly considered and without supporting evidence apart from early muddled censuses, and the Company H identification and possibly the use of the middle initial D. Did Arnold Murray, wanting the pension in old age, find or know of a soldier with the same name, 207 Fold3 Transfer Documents reproduced at the end of this segment. A few years ago I had two students named Corey Campbell in the same form. One had to be given an initial he had not used regularly before to stop assorted forms of chaos in the official documents and day to day practicalities. 208 174 knew of his details and steal his identity? Apart from the massive coincidence of two men with the same name being in the same area at the same time and one of them conveniently being an enlisted soldier, other probabilities go against it. Everything about the man’s character that this writer has read, both from his own words and the opinions of those who knew him, suggests that he was an honest, respected man who would not have done this. Second, no strong motive for money emerges. Arnold Murray lived a life of ample self-sufficiency that met his simple tastes and had relatives to care for him. Third, any fraud taking over A.B. Murray’s identity would not have boxed himself in with information about not killing anybody and only doing training in South Carolina, especially when A.B. Murray was a long term three year enlistment in a well-known and hard fighting unit that served in the Virginian and Carolinas campaigns. If sensible he would have avoided interviews altogether or talked vaguely or researched the history of the man or the unit at least and mentioned that he had been fighting in Virginia and the Carolinas. The problem that applies to any identity theft before the computer age soon emerges: the likely risk of detection. Arnold Murray attended at least two veteran’s reunions where somebody from the large 11th South Carolina could have said that he was not A.B. Murray. Whoever he was, the man listed by those initials survived the war and if his identity was stolen, the thief would have had to know he was dead and had no surviving relatives or friends to expose him. Pension fraud could easily lead to jail and definitely lead to ostracism, fines and disgrace. The fact that no A.B. Murray in South Carolina apart from Augustus Bascom Murray emerges in post-war Confederate pension records (albeit incomplete records) censuses (albeit muddled and incomplete) or apparently anywhere else suggests, but does not prove, that Arnold Murray was A.B. Murray. Coming from the other side even conjectural evidence to prove that they were two different men seems nonexistent, apart from the second initial, which by itself also seems weak evidence. Another possibility emerging could be that Arnold Murray’s military service was at least in parts very different to what he did state. Going by the regiment’s history, and this documentation, he probably was training where and when he stated. If he was born in 1846 the photo of him as a Civil War soldier does make sense – and so does a late 1863 enlistment and his statement about wanting to enlist to fight like his father and older brother were in Virginia.209 He was probably telling the truth about not killing anyone. No evidence emerges that he was lying. By the time of his cavalry enlistment between September 209 Associated Press, May 1951. previous citation. 175 1863 and February 1864 the cavalry of the Army of Northern Virginia where involved in few big battles, being used more for raiding, screening, scouting, foraging and escorting.210 If his cavalry enlistment was at Green Pond in September 1863 he would probably have done little active duty during the winter months as Virginia’s fighting season ended with the first frosts in late autumn. This assumes he even made it to Virginia as a cavalryman. His infantry record might be different, but much of that was spent in hospital –As an infantryman he did get there, but not for long. The 11th South Carolina left Charleston for days of travel to Virginia starting on May 1st and he was hospitalised with the Minnie ball in the back on May 15th and then sent to a Columbia, South Carolina hospital. It is unclear for how long he stayed there, but by December 2nd he was back in Richmond, in the same hospital. When he said that he did not fight, did he mean that stints in the unattacked trenches at Petersburg did not involve actual fighting, at least for him? His unit was involved in heavy fighting at Fort Fisher, Avesboro and Bentonville in early 1865, but was he there? His involvement at the surrender of his unit at Greensboro on May 1st 1865 suggests that this was so. Why would the man who told people to always tell the truth not tell everything about his war experiences? Veterans who dislike talking about war’s more horrible experiences seem more common than happy warriors. In his last years the Murray family had to cope with the battlefield death of his namesake and grandson in Korea. Discussing battlefield killings with interviewers would have been painful, tasteless and best avoided. Being shot in the back, killing people, enduring the dreary horrors of the Petersburg siege and enduring hospitalisation for a month with diarrhoea were hardly the tales of military glory that interviewers wanted to hear. An apparent disagreement arises between censuses and Professor Hoar’s research, based in family accounts in the Reconstruction Era. In the 1870 and 1880 censuses he was a Charleston labourer. In Professor Hoar’s account he returned to Monk’s corner partly by rail and partly by foot after the war and lived there a few years. He may have worked as a Charleston labourer in the summer months between spring planting and autumn harvesting: this was also census time. He married Laura a few years after the war’s end and in Arnold’s vague words “We kept gwine up country till finally we got to Orangeburg.” 211 George Augustus Sala, “On a New Kind of War.’(1865) Reproduced by Sears, pp208209.; Catton pp358-359. 211 Hoar, previous citation. 210 176 Once on a farm nine miles from Orangeburg they lived a life of peaceful self-sufficiency, growing or hunting and fishing for the family’s own food and keeping pigs and cows. There was the peace of the forests, the abundant birdlife and the view from the rocker on the porch. This peaceful life was marred thrice. Arnold and Laura outlived some of their children, then Laura died in 1930. War returned to Arnold’s life when his grandson was killed in the Korean War. Like so many of these aged veterans, he enjoyed good health until his last few months, still walking regularly until just before heart failure started. On his hundredth birthday he went hunting and proved himself a crack shot.212 Unfortunately the grandson who witnessed this does not mention the date of that event. However the fact that he celebrated a hundredth birthday at least two years before the census stated he turned a hundred in 1954 or 1955 says something. While this remains conjectural, the alternative for those who insist that Arnold Murray was born in 1854 have to believe in the previously mentioned quartet of coincidences or explain why a nine year old’s name appears on military documents. This cannot be creative identity theft through forgery by Arnold Murray. The documents are very old and one of the very few things the census takers got repeatedly right was his first name, and they got that right about thirty to sixty years before he applied for the pension. Despite some confusion and uncertainties his listing as verified has a basis on the evidence already dealt with and summarised below. He had the two photographs, one from the Civil War, one from the 1913 reunion. He kept his Confederate uniform. As early as 1910, forty years before the fuss and attention over veterans started, he claimed Confederate service. He knew where and when his claimed unit trained. He made the 1930 affirmation. In the censuses of 1910, 1920, 1930, and 1940 he gave ages consistent with Civil War service. Life magazine’s stated age did the same and matched the later censuses. The awarded pension means someone verified his claims. The 1952 death certificate stated his veteran’s status. The description of “Confederate Veteran” is in the in-laws family Bible, where relatives are unlikely to desecrate a consecrated work with lies. The enlistment documents for an A.B. Murray are ambiguous, but his full name ‘Arnold Murray” on two related Confederate official military documents from Charleston in 1864 are not. This was where he said he was, when he said that he had served. It gives 212 Ibid. 177 the unit he stated he served in. Most soldiers had one and nothing like the amount of supporting evidence. The census documents that supposedly disprove him on age are too full of errors, ambiguities, omissions, contradictions and dubious statements to prove or disprove anything. Disproving Arnold Murray’s service must start with finding better evidence than the extraordinarily confusing and egregiously wrong censuses. Disproving the favourable evidence will be essential – and extremely difficult. Note that the document on the left above has the first name Arnold, while others list A. Murray and A.B. Murray, but the regiment and the company stay unchanged. Note that the document on the left above has the first name Arnold, while others list A. Murray and A.B. Murray, but the regiment and the company stay unchanged. 178 MMm A.B. Murray’s 1863 enlistment document 179 Arnold Murray’s Death Certificate. Note that he is listed as a Confederate Veteran 180 181 The 1864 enlistment transfer document of an A.B. Murray. Below Enlistment documents and a hospital record. Couresy of Fold 3. 182 Murray’s last resting place 183 William Allen Magee Result: His Union service is accepted √ Date of Birth: 19th August 1846 possibly 1848. Date of Death: 23rd January 1953. Age at enlistment: seventeen. Rank: Bugler and private. Unit: 12th Ohio Cavalry Regiment Company M. Service: Magee’s main area of service was in Stoneman’s Cavalry. Combat Experience: Magee was engaged in training, skirmishes, raids and some smaller battles in Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina and South Western Virginia. Length of service: October 1863 to 1898. Magee ran away from home to enlist and the records put his enlistment aged eighteen, while his age was put at sixteen. This discrepancy is topped by Find A Grave which after giving his birthdate correctly as 1846, tells us that he ran away aged thirteen “to become a bugle boy with Gen. Sherman in his march 184 to the sea.” Two years before the Civil War began?213 Journalists also frequently state that he took part in Sherman’s March to the Sea, but a history of his unit does not have them in that campaign but in South-Western Virginia and adjacent areas.214 Others claim he was involved in the 1914-1918 border troubles with Mexico, but no facts are mentioned and no proof seems to be offered anywhere easily found. By the standards applied to Confederates all these errors would make his record dubious, but he is accepted - and rightly. Official Records list him as a trumpeter in the unit he claimed to serve in. In The North’s Last Boys in Blue Vol. II Professor Hoar has drawn up a list of his Civil War experiences and although Magee was not in the March to the Sea or any of the battles that became household names, his battle list is quite extensive and cavalry raids into the crumbling Confederacy’s last territory meant isolation and unknown dangers in a hostile land. Magee left the army in November 1865 but re-joined a year later. He went on to gain seven honourable discharges between 1869 and 1898, but 213 214 ‘Sgt. William Allen Magee, (1846-1953)’ Find A Grave Memorial. March 20th 2004. Official Records History of the 12th Ohio Cavalry Regiment. 185 always re-joined, eventually becoming a sergeant in 1895.215 Although he respected the Indians, and told his daughter to do the same when they were stationed on a Nez Pierce reservation in the 1880s, he fought in the Indian Wars in the Dakotas. He served in some capacity in the Spanish-American War, then retired soon after. His service provided a continuous record over four decades, making him the only one of the veterans mentioned in this work to get a regular army pension. He had married in 1873. After sixty-three years of marriage, his wife died in 1935, so he lived in Los Angeles with the youngest of his three daughters.216 In his retirement he was strongly involved with veteran’s affairs for decades, working closely with his friend Douglas T. Story. When Story died that news was kept from him for fear of its effects. His statements and photograph in Professor Hoar’s segment on him in Volume II of Last of the Blue and the Gray reveal a strong, stalwart character, modest, but totally loyal to America and confident of American military strength. 215 216 Hoar, Vol. II. p863. Ibid, p865. 186 Sergeant Magee would have worn a coat like this. * 187 William Daniel Townsend also known as William W. Townsend, Uncle Eli and Billy Dan Townsend Result: His Confederate Service is verified √ Date of Birth: Family ancestry gives 12th April 1846. Census dates February 1850 and 1853 are possible but unlikely. Date of Death: 22nd February 1953. Age at enlistment: Probably Fifteen. Eight according to some census records but that is unlikely. Rank: Private. Unit: Company B. 27th Louisiana Infantry. 188 Service: Training, then battles at Natchez in Mississippi and the Vicksburg campaign. Combat Experience: Although sick in late 1862, his combat experience started before the siege, in Mississippi and northern Louisiana, but most of it was during the campaign in and around Vicksburg. He was wounded at the siege of Vicksburg. Length of service: September 1861 to July 1863. Evidence of Service apart from his own accounts. He appears in the muster rolls of the 27th Louisiana Regiment in some detail due to health problems and enquiries.217 He also appears in the Vicksburg parole lists as captured on July 4th and paroled four days later.218 When applying for a pension in the 1930s he was asked who could vouch for him. He named four individual soldiers by surname and first name. By surname and initials they were listed in muster rolls, parole lists, Official Records and Booth’s records as being at the siege of Vicksburg.219 These may have been men he met during either of his hospitalisations as they are from different units and one was a hospital attendant. He also gave the full correct name of another Confederate and eventually found another listed veteran who signed an affidavit that they remembered him.220 Documents at the Baton Rouge statehouse are mentioned in his 1953 obituary as proving his age and enlistment.221 Apart from muster rolls Ancestry.com has a collection of reproduced primary source material online. These include his enlistment papers, a November 1862 furlough permission note due to illness, a clothing allocation dated April 1863, a personalised document giving his name and regiment for the prisoner of war roll and his Vicksburg parole. Several of these documents have attestations or superior’s signatures. All five documents are signed with his 217 Company B 27th Louisiana Infantry Muster Roll 27TH Louisiana Infantry Data Base page 5 of 14 pages in computer image numbering. http:/www.shepherd.edu/gtmeweb/LA27th/1203HTM 218 ‘Federal Rolls of Prisoners of War Captured and Paroled at Vicksburg July 1863’; Andrew B. Booth, Military Records of Louisiana Confederate Soldiers and Louisiana Confederate Commands. New Orleans: N.P. 1920 archiveorg>e book and texts Allen County Public Library. 219 Ibid.; Serrano gives the names p76. I looked up those names in the Vicksburg Paroles, Booth, Official Records and Confederate Muster Rolls and found them in at least one of these forenamed sources. 220 Serrano, p76. 221 Unsigned Obituary Article, Lewiston Evening Journal, February 23rd 1953. 189 name, give his regiment and are verified in a 1953 letter by Adjutant-General Bergin. William Daniel Townsend, was born in Meridian Mississippi on 12th April 1846 according to family genealogy. The family moved to Louisiana when he was three. He ran away from home to enlist aged fifteen in September 1861.222 His records which correctly show him as from Mississippi, show that he was enlisted in Company B of the newly formed 27th Louisiana Infantry on 9th August 1862. His record between the remembered date for running away and the enlistment date nearly eleven months later seems unknown. He was probably training in camp for much of it as he was granted a sickness furlough for pneumonia and general disability in November 1862.223 He said that aged sixteen he saw battle service in Northern Louisiana and in Mississippi in battles at Natchez and Vicksburg and in actions around Alexandria and Pineville. His account of these actions was that “Whenever something would go wrong and more men were needed, they’d call us out of Vicksburg to go to the relief of our hard-pressed units.”224 He claimed he served for two years, spending time in hospital because a bullet tore open his right arm and left it gangrenous during the siege of Vicksburg. He did have a very faint three inch long scar there in old age.225 He was captured at the siege’s conclusion and he was paroled in July 1863. The besieged trenches around Vicksburg 222 Ibid, Company B 27th Louisiana Infantry Muster Roll.; Sickness Furlough original document see Ancestry.com then type William Townsend 1846-1953. Place: Louisiana. Reproduced in this segment. 224 Hoar, Vol. III p1696. 225 Serrano, p74; Hoar Vol. III p1696. 223 190 Vicksburg during the siege. Civilians and those soldiers not in the trenches both lived in the dugouts. While conditions were horrible they would have been safer from the continuous bombardment than those in the mansion in the background. This would have been an obvious target and if it collapsed the occupants would have been buried under masonry and rubble. The shallow dugouts would have been safe except for direct hits. William W. Townsend was enlisted in the company Townsend claimed he served in and was again listed in that same unit when Vicksburg surrendered and thousands of Confederates were recorded on the parole lists. The scant details in records fit in exactly with what he claimed – and scant or not, several of those records exist and are not forgeries, ambiguous or contradictory. Evidence against verification: The two census birthdates of 1850 and 1853 (which disagree with each other, let alone his record) the use of his middle initial being a W. instead of a D and the given age on his clothing allocation form of 21 years are the only hard evidence against him. Although the commissioners did not quite say it, Townsend was a man desperate for Confederate pension money and insistent for it. This probably counted against him, but how many people in the USA in the 1930s was not financially desperate? Suspicions that he was not that same man as W.W. Townsend when 191 he claimed his pension in 1935 were probably influenced by his hunger for money, but also based on the following facts, many of which Serrano mentions.226 By official records he was supposedly only thirteen when he enlisted. He claimed fifteen. Census records show him as born in February 1850 and as born again in 1853. The latter date means he was eight when he enlisted and this supposed fact still shows on some official documents. The issue of child soldiers and the unreliability of census documents has been dealt with elsewhere. The other evidence against him is that: He could not prove his age. The muster roll he claims as his has William W. Townsend on lists in his unit, without his middle name of Daniel. He named a Captain Gus Cobb as his commanding officer. No record of him could be found. He probably indulged in the common practice of hiding his real age and identity so as to be accepted for enlistment and not sent home. He named five Confederates as former comrades who could vouch for him, John Orr, Jim Orr, Lum Knox, B. Russell and Dave Seats. The commission quite seriously claimed they could not find them.227 This was in the later 1930s, over seventy-two years after the siege ended! They should have looked at muster rolls and then very closely in the list of paroled Confederates at Vicksburg’s surrender. Annoyingly only first initials were usually written on that parole list, but there are two J. Orr’s, an L. Knox and a hospital worker B. Russell. All were Louisianans except one of the Orrs, a Tennessean officer. The only Dave Seats on muster rolls anywhere was a Texan cavalryman who spent some of the first half of the war in Louisiana. Knowing one name might be a coincidence or passed on knowledge, but five? Eventually a Louisiana veteran, Alfred Fuller was found who signed an affidavit stating that he remembered Townsend and then he got his pension. 228 Alfred Fuller was not doing a favour for a similar favour in return, he was already a well-known and established figure in veteran’s organisations. 226 Ibid, pp75-76. Ibid, p76. 228 Serrano, pp 76-77. 227 192 Townsend’s 1863 Parole document. The muddled second initial does not match the first as a W and could be a D. After surrendering there was no need for pseudonyms. Townsend’s war record file contains several other such verified documents. All of these verified primary source documents were referred to and cited in an encyclopaedia entry, but Townsend was rejected as being one of the last surviving veterans because he had “insufficient evidence.” More “insufficient evidence” primary source documents are on the second last page of his section He would go on to be the last Division Commander of Louisiana’s United Confederate Veterans and as Townsend was active in this organization, they knew each other.229 While no “Gus” Cobb turned up in the records, the 26th Herman Hattaway, “The United Confederate Veterans in Louisiana” in Louisiana History. Quarterly of the Louisiana History Association Volume XVI. No 1. Winter 1975. p15 pp3536. 229 193 Louisiana had a first Lieutenant George Cobb and another Lieutenant Charles Cobb was nearby in the Crescent Regiment, the same unit as L. Knox. Was Gus a nickname? Townsend stated that Lieutenant Gus Cobb was of Lincoln Parrish and commanded when Townsend was in battle at Natchez.230 The difference of the middle initial on his records looks suspicious – until his muster roll record is read. It has a note, written by someone in the Confederate army and reading like a tip off, which the Union provost general was enquiring after a William D. Townsend. It may well have been that his desperate parents contacted the Union officials about their runaway son. The point about his age emerges as weak: the officials should have looked in the archives. In a 1953 obituary article documents at the statehouse that prove his 1846 birthday and his enlistment are referred to as valid. Photos of him show a very tall man who could have passed for older than his age, as he claimed. The earlier photo of the three veterans at Richmond in 1951 makes this point. Townsend stands beside and much higher than Salling, himself taller than average at six foot one. Townsend made no contradictory, outrageous or unlikely claims and recalled prosaic details of army life such as standing guard for thirty six hours and how eating mule meat seemed comparatively scrumptious during Vicksburg’s siege.231 Like William J. Bush he talked of wanting to leave, but stayed.232 With so many prisoners taken at Vicksburg Grant paroled them on their word of honour not to re-join Confederate forces; many reneged, but Townsend, did not; either because his injury was slow to heal, or from being fed up with the war or from a sense of honour. Whatever his reasons, he kept his word. In old age he said he could not remember taking the oath of allegiance to the Union, but if he did so it was under duress.233 He became a farmer near Olla, and by his own account he once rode with the Ku Klux Klan in the Reconstruction Era.234 He admitted to not being reconciled to “the Yankees” until the 1951 veteran’s reunion. In one of his last interviews he stated that he saw the war as being caused by a personal power struggle between Lincoln and Davis. More sensibly he soon added that the North should have bought the slave’s freedom to avert the war, but although they could afford it, they would not pay the cost. 230 Hoar, Vol. III p1696. Serrano, p74. 232 Lewiston Evening Journal. previous citation. 233 Ibid. 234 Ibid. 231 194 He also said that Southern people saw slaves as an expensive investment and were reluctant to part with them for nothing. He added that his family owned forty four slaves. On another occasion he bluntly said that he enlisted because he “didn’t want to see papa’s Negroes go free.”235 Like Albert Woolson and William Bush, family, music and veteran’s affairs became big parts of his life; he was a popular figure playing at dances.236 Even after turning a hundred he would still visit hospitals to play tunes and to give patients cheer.237 More primary source evidence exists for Townsend’s service than exists for many accepted veterans, despite an encyclopaedia writing that he had “insufficient evidence.” Despite some of his actions and opinions he should be recognised for what he was. Those wishing to dismiss his claim and say that the W. W. Townsend of the 1860s documents is a different person have a difficult case to prove. From ample primary source evidence available he was the second last living man who definitely fought for the Confederacy and the third last man to definitely fight in the war. Few veterans have a single piece of evidence beyond their name on a muster roll. He had five government verified documents from the 1860s, the successful naming of five veterans and a testifying creditable eyewitness. Unlike many veterans his health never waned in his final weeks. He died less than an hour after being suddenly stricken on February 22 nd 1953, only eighteen days before James Hard, the Union’s last fighting soldier. Hard is widely but incorrectly considered the last man to fight in the Civil War. A rebel outlived him by three months. * Anon. Statesville Daily Record. 23rd December 1952. p18; Esthman Newman, “State’s Sole Confederate Veteran Marks his 104th Birthday at Olla.” The Shreveport Times. Sunday 16th April 1950. 236 Serrano, p74; Eric C. Brock. “Shreveport’s Last Four Confederates.” 1950s newspaper clipping. Identification details not included. Ancestry.com previous Townsend citation. 237 Serrano, p74; Hoar, Vol. III p1699. Photographic evidence and caption. Townsend plays the violin for an audience of veterans in a Shreveport hospital. 235 195 Townsend’s enlistment, his sickness cerificate and his listing as a prisoner of war 196 * 197 James Albert Hard Result: His Union Service is verified √ Date of Birth: July 15th 1841 or perhaps 1842 or 1845. This is uncertain as census and enlistment dates contradict. Date of Death: 12th March 1953. Age at enlistment: given as nineteen but possibly younger. 198 Rank: Private. Unit: 37th New York Volunteers. Company K and E. Service: Infantry. Combat Experience: extensive, from early in the war till Chancellorsville. Length of service: April 1861 to June 1863. Evidence of Service apart from his own accounts. He is listed in Official Records and in his unit’s muster roll. He had a sickness furlough recorded in late 1862. He went on to hold high office in the Union veteran’s association, the Grand Army of the Republic. James A. Hard: from soldier to railway construction to notary to retiree and pensioner By his own account given in old age James Albert Hard was an upstate New York farmer’s son who worked from the age of five onwards.238 He would rise at four and work till nine at night – and then study by lamplight. The second eldest of four, he would sometimes be hired out to labour for other farmers and his father kept the wages. This life was strong on self – sufficiency and simple Much of this account of Hard’s life comes from the segment on him in Jay S. Hoar’s second volume of The Boys in Blue pp872-880. Professor Hoar bases much of his segment on 1950 interviews with Hard, conducted, written and edited by Andrew D. Wolfe. These were published by the Rochester Historical Society. Another major source were Hard’s descendants who sent very detailed accounts and recollections to Professor Hoar. 238 199 pleasures and simply made, clear decisions. Hard recalled how he enlisted: “One day a wagon – load of fellows came by noisily and I asked what the racket was about. ‘The President wants volunteers and we’re enlisting.’ I joined them and we all went to Dryden in Tompkins County and enlisted Apr. 18th 1861 for two years.”239 Herd’s record has the usual problems with age/census/ enlistment verification and contradictions. Several sources give his birthdate as 1841, but three census statements give 1842 and 1843. He claimed to be nineteen when he enlisted four days after Fort Sumter fell, but may have been seventeen. He also claimed to have met Lincoln at a White House reception.240 Accessibility to Lincoln by ordinary citizens was extremely open.241 Even so, this sounds odd for one of the millions of privates like Hard who came from an undistinguished family. He was at both the Bull Run battles, but saw only some fighting towards the end at both.242 He also fought in much of the 1862 Peninsula Campaign, including two of its toughest battles, Gaines Mill and Malvern Hill. For his unit the little known battle at Etham’s Landing was the toughest. He was also in the Battle of South Mountain, then Antietam. At the latter he was lucky to survive, a bullet going through his coat.243 He also fought in two parts of the Chancellorsville battle, Second Fredericksburg and Salem Church. His obituary and some accounts state he was at the battle of Fredericksburg, but these accounts probably confuse the second battle of Fredericksburg in May 1863 with the better known first battle in December 1862. Writer David George Martin states that he was on sick leave from October 29th 1862 until the year’s end.244 His two year enlistment expired and he left the army on June 9th 1863.245 He was a man of the most extraordinary luck, never being wounded despite being in some of the war’s toughest battles and missing both Fredericksburg and Gettysburg by fortuitous circumstances. After his discharge he worked for the army in railway construction until March 1865. During this time he worked at rebuilding bridges destroyed by the rebels in Virginia, Tennessee and Georgia. Several times he was “close to the 239 Ibid, p873. Unsigned Obituary, ‘Hard Oldest Veteran, Dies at 111; He Spent Boyhood in Windsor’ Binghamton Press Fri. March 13th 1953 p12. ; Hoar Vol II, quoting Hard, p873. 241 David Herbert Donald, Lincoln. London; Jonathan Cape, 1995. p311. 242 David George Martin, Second Bull Run Campaign July-August 1862 .Google Books n.d. p250 http:/com.au/books?id+o7g2DQoIFm EC&PG 243 Hoar, Vol. II, quoting Hard, p873. 244 Ibid. 245 Ibid. 240 200 fighting” and was also in Nashville when it was besieged in late 1864.246 He then worked for himself in railway construction in the west for several years, bluntly saying that he was working to make money fast. He married in 1868 but was left a widower twelve years later. He remarried in 1884 and survived his second wife and his only child, a daughter who died in 1948. He studied and became a successful notary in Rochester concerned with pensions, particularly Civil War pensions. He was a familiar figure as grand marshal of the veteran’s parades there. He never really retired from involvement in veteran’s organisations, despite blindness hitting in his last years. As one of the last veterans he did give some interviews and attended public events, but apparently avoided the fuss made over his Southern counterparts.247 James Albert Hard would have worn a Union Infantryman’s uniform like this. 246 247 Ibid. Binghamton Press; Martin, p250. 201 202 William Albert Kinney aka William A. Kiney Result: His wartime service is verified√ Date of Birth: 10th February 1846 is most likely. Although the same day and month in 1843, 1845 or 1861 are sometimes credited. About 1848 and 1864 are also mentioned, but cannot be. Date of Death: 23rd June 1953. Age at enlistment: not totally certain, but very probably fifteen. Rank: Private. 203 Unit: Company G 5th Kentucky Mounted Infantry and 2nd Kentucky Cavalry Company D (claimed by others, no documentation evident) and 10 th Kentucky Cavalry Company L. from November 1863. Service: Mounted Infantry and Cavalry. Combat Experience: Extensive. He claimed service at Shiloh. The 5th and 2 Kentucky Cavalry was heavily involved in Morgan’s raids and the war in the western theatre. The 10th focused on raiding in Kentucky. He claimed to have “fout nigh the whole wahwa.” nd Length of service: uncertain: enlisted 1st -5th November 1861 for a year. He was at least fighting until after Shiloh in April 1862 and (as above) claimed to have been in most of the war. His second enlistment in November 1863 bears this out. In Professor Jay S. Hoar’s massive and comprehensive account of the last Confederate veterans The South’s Last Boys in Gray: An Epic Prose Elegy. Volume III (2010) he proved with irrefutable evidence that Kiney was the last fully verifiable combat veteran of the Civil War, and yet this gained little recognition. This writer’s segment here only adds similar primary source evidence to what Professor Hoar found four years before this work began. Professor Jay S. Hoar has found, compiled, published and explained much about Kiney. My responsibility for finding sources here includes all the census documents except that of 1850, the work record of the ash felt worker, comments on the 1920 marriage certificate, Official Records and 10th Kentucky Cavalry document and history, the work on Morgan’s Raiders and on Little Big Man and the illustrations and captions. All the other evidence presented here comes from Professor Hoar’s entry ‘William Albert Kiney Feb.10th 1846 - June 23rd 1953.’ (pages 1700-1703) The mentioned possibilities are my conclusions. William A. Kiney initially seems a fraud and for decades that has been the way he has been treated. The case against him initially seems irrefutable, but has been re-examined with crucial evidence against him now irrefutably disproved. This writer, initially sceptical about Kiney, found that the censuses, seemingly the source of almost all the evidence against Kiney, help prove his verification. To present the case for fakery first: Summary: Several state that William A. Kiney faked Confederate service to get the Confederate pension. He claimed to be born on February 10 th 1843 but he was really born on February 10th 1861 because two censuses, those of 1900 and 204 1920 show him living in Louisville and his given age being 59. The census estimates that he was born in about 1861. A March 1920 marriage certificate for William A. Kiney shows him living in Indianapolis and somebody wrote on it that he was born on February 10th 1861. The birthday gives away the connection and shows that they are the same man: therefore this faker has been disproved by three different primary source documents. None of this has been systematically questioned. It is if only one man named William A. Kiney, William A. Kinney, William Kiney or William Kinney existed in Indiana and Kentucky during Kiney’s lifetime. In fact the 1880 census just for Kentucky alone shows that there were at least eleven born with one of these names between the 1830s and the 1870s. Adding those born with the same name from later censuses who claimed to be born within that same time frame gives a very conservative estimate of at least thirty-three men. This applies only to those resident in Indiana and Kentucky. Nobody ever searches for evidence of the much mentioned but nonexistent pension claim that supplies the motive for fraud. Nobody examines the 1920 wedding documents in detail. No mention ever appears of the strong and clear proof in two consecutive censuses showing him as born in the middle of the 1840s, or his two enlistment documents or all the links that show that the man who died in June 1953 was a Confederate veteran. Cynics repeat the evidence for fraud but rarely examine, let alone question the documents: they should. Evidence against service in detail: As mentioned, somebody named William A. Kiney of Indianapolis when filling out his marriage certificate, gave his birth date as February 10th 1861.248 Detractors have reproduced other information from these 1920 marriage records. These give Kiney’s age as 56, his birth year as 1864 and his birthplace as England. Oddly, amongst the evidence Professor Hoar gives is the fact that Kiney told his granddaughter that he was born in America but conceived in England. Apart from this apparently damning evidence another problem is that he is a difficult man to trace. He may have filled out a census in 1870. If he did it 248 As the major website concerning this information is no longer easily available this writer is unable to contact the writer for permission. The records do bear out what is said. Similar information is also included in ‘Fake and Exaggerated Claims’ (October 2009) www.grg org/Adams g2 filestab strip. 205 was his only findable one after childhood. One photo and one newspaper story are all that can be said to exist with certainty on the internet. Several men with slight variations of his name were born in the 1840s in the upper south. Several others migrated from England and Ireland, settling in the mid-west. Official Records lists thirteen Confederates with names that are variations of William Kinney and another is William A.C. Kinney, but none are in the 2nd Kentucky Cavalry. One of these (as matching evidence proves) is William Albert Kiney of the 5th Kentucky Cavalry. Apart from Company F, a group of mostly Mississippians who kept “skimpy records” the 2nd Kentucky are believed to have had no muster roll.249 Kiney’s name does not appear on that company’s roll. So where does that precise information on the tombstone come from? Assessing the evidence: Dismissing him seems reasonable, and many have. Before doing so consider the duplications in nomenclature and the long coincidences given so far on others. If these factors work against verification with Ross, they work against debunking with Kiney/Kinney. After a platoon of forty named Thomas Ross, four of them being Kentucky cavalrymen, after all the different men who were all Private William M. Loudermilk, two of them Confederate infantry privates with the same middle name and both from Cherokee County; after all the Georgians entitled William J. Bush, after two Confederate Texans being Thomas E. Riddle bearing some physical resemblance, after two couples George and Elizabeth Murray, both in Charleston and after the Witkoski/Witkowski/Mitoski chaos, dismissal on similar nomenclature cannot be easily done. We must consider that the Kinney born in 1861 was someone else or a red herring, but was not the Kentucky cavalryman born in the 1840s. Another consideration is that Kiney, far from forging evidence to make himself seem a Confederate, may well have left a false trail with his enlistment age, his later birthdate and changing the spelling of his name. While honest, he had plausible and traceable reasons for not wanting public attention. Those reasons will be assessed in his war service record. Evidence for service: Once again one census contradicts another. The censuses reveal more to suggest different identities and that the 1861 date is wrong. The 1850 census has a William A. Kinney living in Bracken County Kentucky, aged four. His parents are listed as Isaac and Jane in the census and they also appear by those 249 Unsigned, Cover note to the 2nd Kentucky Cavalry CSA. Website.; Company F is dealt with in detail by Jim Power The Iron Man and the Mississippi Raiders. n.p. Author House, 2009. The quote comes from p163. 206 names as his parents in a 1991 letter to Professor Hoar by William Kinney’s granddaughter. She had heard their names in Kiney’s reminiscences and apparently did not refer to, or perhaps did not even know of the 1850 census. This makes this clearly the same man. The 1850 census also names a twin or adopted sister Melisa and six others. In the 1860 census this Kiney family are located in the town of Moultrie, Missouri. They are clearly the same family as that of the 1860 census as Jane and Isaac are the parents. Some of the older children have gone and three born since the 1850 census are added, but William A. Kiney and Melisa are still there, although her name is now spelled Mallissa and their sister, initially named Milden aged 10 in 1850 is (apparently? perhaps?) Milley aged 12 in 1860! Typical census! William A. is now aged twelve as he is now supposedly born about 1848. Despite the usual census errors with ages and spelling this is clearly the same family. In that same 1860 census, a different Kinney family, from Ireland, reside in Henderson Kentucky. The parents are William R. and Fanny and they have two children Willis J., and Wm. A. This boy was born about a month before the census was taken on June 4. The 1860 census alone shows that they can only be two different people and the different names of both sets of parents makes their movements and careers unambiguous and to some extent, traceable. This Irish Kinney family excepting Willis, turn up in Louisville in the 1910 census. The names are the same and as is usual in censuses, the ages do not quite match. The parents being 24 and 25 in 1860 and both are 71 in 1910, but they are still from Ireland and a William A. is on the same page but with other families interposed between him and his perhaps/probable parents. The problem here is that his age is 39, so his birth year is 1871, and this birth year for him is repeated in the 1930 census, with his parents now from Kentucky. Is he their son or is the bachelor lodger, born in about 1861 their son? Are they the same man? The censuses of the bachelor who lived in Louisville had his parents from Kentucky in one document and one from Kentucky and one from Virginia in another. Did he mean where they were living when he was born? Kiney said his parents migrated from England. Recent computerised census comments state that the Louisville man was also known as William Spivey and also as William Kumey. After seeing the cramped, tiny handwriting these may not really be aliases, just difficult to decipher handwriting. In 1900 he listed his occupation as a farmer: Kiney never claimed to be a farmer. Why should a farmer continually live in a boarding house for decades? While Kiney’s detractors do 207 not mention it, the Louisville lodger also was in the 1910 and 1930 censuses. In all four, from 1900 to 1930 he was a Louisville lodger, a bachelor born about 1861. His last listed occupation was in 1920 and 1930, running a picture show. For three decades he apparently lived and worked in Louisville, while Kiney lived and worked in Indianapolis from 1870 until his retirement in the 1940s. He is not known to have returned to Kentucky even briefly, let alone for the long periods of time needed to farm or run a picture show. In contrast to the Louisville Kinney being a bachelor for decades, Professor Hoar states that the Indianapolis Kiney was married four times. As his son Wallace was born in Iowa in January 1898, he was probably married when the Louisville namesake was still a bachelor. To this writer the issue of a possible marriage in 1920 that shows his supposed real age is a red herring, but as it is often used to clearly disprove his record, it must be assessed. What remains unclear is that the man who said he was a Confederate veteran is the man with the same name who married in March 1920. Because this marriage has someone named William A. Kiney stating that he was born on February 10th 1861, this supposedly proves that he did not fight in the Civil War. Even accepting that this groom is Kiney, all that this definitely proves is that at the most, he did not tell the truth on a marriage certificate. His enlistment documents and census references prove that like David Story and William Townsend, like thousands of others he altered his age upon enlistment. Mayer, Woolson, William Allen Magee and Bush all said things that cannot be so, yet all these individuals had enough evidence for verification: so does Kiney. While one of Kiney’s marriages was perhaps in March 1920 and another did come after that, in 1942, he was also a married man in 1932 and probably married during the time between the censuses of 1900 and 1930. In the information Professor Hoar has collected he seems to have lived regularly in Indianapolis, apart from visiting family members in Chicago and being in Iowa in 1898. Apart from the name and the 1920 marriage birthdate matching his, all evidence known of at this point clearly proves that the man in Louisville who is supposedly the Confederate faker must be someone else. Even after stating that, the balance of evidence goes against this 1920 groom being the Civil War veteran. Apart from their errors with birth dates and spellings, the marriage documents do reveal several big and insurmountable differences that block concluding that they are the same man.250 If he told his 250 The marriage documents for both William A. Kiney and Pauline Dinkins are findable through Ancestry .com by using their full names the date 11th March 1920 and the keyword Indianapolis. 208 granddaughter that his parents were named Isaac and Jane, if descendants say that and the 1850 and 1860 censuses record the same, why are the groom’s parents listed as Mary and G.W. Kiney on the marriage certificate documents? Is this the Confederate Kiney in 1925, the man who married Pauline Dinkins or one of Indianapolis’s many other William Kineys? Was this the man from Louisville marrying in Indianapolis? This already appears unlikely as the parents’ names are different from his as well. What becomes even more unlikely is that the groom is either man when more evidence becomes assessed. In three marriage documents connected to the bride Pauline Dinkins, she is given a wide range of ages from 56 to 59 and her name is misspelled. So how reliable is the groom’s given and differing ages? 1861 or 1864? The documents give us a choice. As mentioned, documents state that the groom was born in England in 1864 when strong evidence shows that W.A. Kiney was born in Kentucky and was an enlisted cavalryman in 1864. The first reaction to the different names of the groom’s parents from the names of both the Louisville namesake and the Indianapolis Kiney was ‘Why 209 would one of them create fictional parents?’ But they were not. The marriage documents show that these parents of the groom were actual people. They are listed as residents in the same house as the bride and groom. Coaxing or hiring people to pretend to be his parents, in some connection to an approaching wedding, combined with lying about his birthdate and pretending to be English would be far-fetched. This scenario should be filmed from a particularly preposterous locale in sit–com land. Although the birthdate of February 10th is initially only a one in 365 chance of being coincidence and goes into much higher odds as they are in the same city, coincidence becomes the most plausible explanation after assessing the evidence which is contradictory, strange, mistaken, erroneous and sometimes impossible. Coincidence becomes more plausible when the number of men named William A. Kinney or Kiney or William Kenney are found in Indianapolis, elsewhere in Indiana and in Kentucky. This writer limited himself to those with the first name William without an initial or having the initial A and did not accept those with birthdates below 1857 or over 1875. One who had the 1861 birth year was accepted for this examination with the surname Kine. Only a few were surnamed Kenney and those included were listed because they had some reason that increased their chances of being the man, such as being born in 1861 or being a resident of Indianapolis in the 1920s. I only trawled through the first 500 Indiana or Kentucky located men named Kiney/Kinney/Kenny on the web and found among them thirty-three who could be Kiney within these limitations. Only a few had wives alive during Pauline Dinkins known marriage years of 1920-1940, but the rest were eligible with the largest cluster of birth dates were between 1860 and 1864 and the largest grouping was in Indianapolis. The ash felt worker and the Louisville lodger were each listed only once although they were listed several times in records. Those who wish to lengthen the odds further and have time to trawl through around half a million listings of Kinneys/Kineys/ Kenneys and related names are welcome. One of the most enigmatic among those who might be Kiney also listed his birthdate as February 10th but in 1864, not 1861. Employment records from 1925 of this other William A. Kiney of Indianapolis show a man working for the asphalt plant and street repair department. This sounds like the English groom, but as the records show, this man claimed to be born in Kentucky. Another or the same man with the name, who was working in Kentucky as a labourer with tobacco, was born in 1864. This could also be the groom and/or the city road worker Kiney. The photo comparison goes against the idea that 210 this is the Confederate veteran, but that this is the man remains a thin possibility. Ultimately the photographic evidence must be considered inconclusive. W. A Kiney (1846-1953) the veteran was known to change his age for enlistment, so perhaps he changed it to gain employment. On the right is perhaps the only known photograph of William Albert Kinney 1846-1953. This dates from 1952. This was given to Professor Hoar by Kiney’s relatives and used here with his permission. On the left is a photograph probably dating from 1925 of an Indianapolis street repair worker definitely named William A. Kiney. The photographs are taken twenty seven years or more apart: are they of the same man? Almost certainly not. Their hair and moustaches are different, the man on the left has hair that looks more bristly while the other has soft looking hair. Their ears look different, one has rounded ears, one pointed. Their moustaches shape very differently. In the 1925 photo the man has a widow’s peak and receding hair, while the man on the right has a straighter fuller hairline. Hair rarely grows back. Even so the faces are slightly similar. The beard could hide what might be an age line but looks like a knife scar, perhaps a battle scar, on the younger man’s cheek. His true age would have meant at the best, employment for less than a year as seventy was the usual age for retiring government employees. Was he found out and sacked? His employment badge was redeemed within weeks. This is the evidence against his military record. What is in his favour? A good deal and the evidence is much less convoluted and ambiguous. The story of his enlistment is familiar: being under-aged, he added the needed years. He was really only fifteen when he was accepted for enlistment on November 5th 1861, supposedly aged eighteen. This would later cause 211 confusion over his real age, getting the mistaken 1843 date into some records. His enlistment was at Pound Gap Virginia and into Company G, Fifth Mounted Infantry captained by James M. Carey with his enlisting officer being Lieutenant R.B. Thomas. As Professor Hoar notes, copies of these enlistment papers have been kept by Kiney’s descendants and the enlistment is also printed up in Kentucky Adjutant General’s Report – Confederate Volunteers 1861-1865 Vol. 1. 251 Kinney’s enlistment appears listed here on page 254 under number 80. In the Official Records in computerised form he is listed as ‘Kinney, William. 5th Regiment, Kentucky Mounted Infantry.’ As two others surnamed Kinney, Henry and Juo W. enlisted in the same company on the same day he was obviously staying close to his male family members. His first battle was probably just three days after being accepted, for the regiment was in the battle of Ivy Creek on November 8th 1861. This regiment was recruited in the mountains of eastern Kentucky and South-West Virginia, where slavery was rare and the isolated local people were fiercely independent and suspicious of the federal government and Abolitionists.252 These characteristics would lead to a mutiny and a disbanding of the regiment in October 1862, when the troopers refused to retreat from Kentucky with Bragg’s Army, so the unit was disbanded.253 Their commander gave them a three way choice, honourable discharge, joining another cavalry unit or re-joining a reformed 5th Regimental unit.254 Between the disbanding of this 5th regiment and November 1863 Kiney’s whereabouts and service seem unknown. This period could be when he served in the Second Kentucky Cavalry before transferring, for a regimental muster roll shows that on November 18th 1863 he enlisted in Company L of the 10th Kentucky Cavalry as William A. Kiney, interestingly without a designated rank.255 This unit had been formed in late 1862 and early 1863 by officers wishing to keep the Confederate presence in Kentucky alive.256 They were nominally still part of Morgan’s cavalry division, but distance and enemy units 251 Linda Anderson, Cover Letter of December 6th 1982 sent to Professor Hoar and an attached photocopy of the Company G roll with Kiney’s name listed in alphabetical order. 252 John B. Wells III & Jim Pritchard, The 10th Kentucky Cavalry CSA: The Yankee Chasers. Gateway Press, 1996. This source note is from a computerised excerpt without page numbers. civilwar.morganco.freeservers.com 253 Ibid. 254 ‘The 5th Kentucky Cavalry.’ Wikipedia 255 Muster Roll of Diamond’s 10th Kentucky Cavalry CSA. www.potterflats.com. 10th Ky.html. This computerised version is also taken from the book The 10th Kentucky Cavalry CSA.: The Yankee Chasers. 256 Wells & Pritchard, previous citation. 212 would have separated them from regular communication. They fought on by raids and skirmishes until disbanding in April 1865. In a rare or perhaps unprecedented discussion on his war experiences in a 1952 interview he stated that he could not remember much about the war, especially units and their details, but he recalled he was in the Kentucky cavalry. This could easily be forgetfulness after seventy years, but it could also not wanting to remember horrible realities – or have his role in them known, even ninety years on. With recent attitudes being like this, how would Confederate raiders been treated in Kentucky after the Civil War? Even by Civil War standards. Kentucky during the Civil War was savaged by both sides and by bandits with tenuous ties to either side, if that. Some of these units were outlaw gangs who would attack anyone who came in range: even Morgan’s Raiders suffered their sniping and hit and run attacks in the Cumberland Mountains.257 The gangs there considered “normal business” to be theft, rape and murder.258 Some gangs even contained deserters from both sides.259 Much of Tennessee and much of Kentucky during the war were a paradise for psychopaths, firebugs, sadists and marauders eager to live by 257 William R. Brooksher & David K. Snider, Glory at a Gallop: Tales of Confederate Cavalry. Washington: Brassey’s, 1993. p20. 258 Ibid, 259 Bryan S. Bush, “Guerrilla Warfare in Kentucky.” Bryan S. Bush Books A website. www.bryanbush.com/hub.php?pages articles & layer a0807 213 plunder.260 Conditions were so bad in Tennessee that by early 1864 even Nathan Bedford Forrest complained of murder, torture, extortion rackets, and wanton destruction; his report focussed on the Union and also Confederate deserters, both of whom he tried to subdue.261 Those forces supposedly committed to protecting Kentucky, both the predominantly Union aligned Home Guards and the predominantly Confederate State militia, were among the worst marauders.262 Confederate guerrillas prowled the roads looking for civilians to plunder and unarmed civilians would sometimes be summarily executed for suspicion of loyalty to the other side: armed civilians could be killed for possessing weapons.263 This was in a land where many males used hunting to eke out food supplies. Morgan himself and his deputy, friend, brother in law and eventual successor, Basil Duke, were not like this. Duke warned the notorious Champ Ferguson against killing prisoners and Morgan gave orders not to violate private property.264 When an enemy commander, a childhood friend who had surrendered was held accountable for Morgan’s brother’s death, the punishment Morgan gave was that the Union officer had to inform Morgan’s mother of her son’s death.265 Their troops however, were not necessarily the same as their commanders. They disobeyed Morgan’s restrictions on plundering private property.266 While not as psychopathically murderous as the worst gangs, Morgan’s raiders were involved in massive destruction, which in the Indiana town of Corydon alone totalled over half a million dollars in 1860s values. 267 The same value was placed on plundered supplies at Tompkinsville, there they took four hundred prisoners, twenty wagons, fifty mules and rifles for all.268 They also sometimes took ransoms and inflicted some loss of civilian life.269 One eyewitness to that raid stated that they killed three civilian men defending their homes and she 260 Bush previous citation; Paul Ashdown & Edward Gaudill, The Myth of Nathan Bedford Forrest. 2005. Lanham, Maryland; Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2006. p48. 261 Ashdown and Gaudill, p48. 262 Bush, previous citation. 263 Ibid. 264 Brooksher & Snider, pp24-25. 265 Ibid. 266 Ibid, 267 Zuzanna Balewski and Maya Fraser, “The Invasion of Indiana: Morgan’s Raid and the Battle of Corydon.” Moment of Indiana History (sic) posted 2nd August 2010. 268 Brooksher & Snider, p23. 269 Zuzanna Balewski and Maya Fraser. 214 then described them as “a herd of horse thieves.”270 They also had an impromptu extortion racket going where buildings would not be destroyed upon payment of a substantial fee.271 A contemporary Union account describes their activities thus: The lower counties of Kentucky suffered chiefly from their ravages. Property was stolen, outrages of every sort were not infrequently perpetrated upon Union citizens, bridges were burned, and even the friends of the Confederacy did not escape the lust of these desperadoes for plunder. The most successful of these expeditions was one undertaken by John Morgan, the most noted guerrilla leader of the war. Harper’s Weekly p307. This is not an exaggeration. Morgan’s great raid left the following casualties and damage and destruction: 34 bridges destroyed. 60 railway locations destroyed. Assorted warehouses trains, factories, boats, depots, wagons, destroyed. 6,000 Union prisoners were taken and 127,000 militia were mustered to deal with the raid. Most cyclones are less destructive. Indianapolis during Morgan’s 1863 raid was a centre of resistance: church and fire bells were incessant, while home guards frenziedly prepared as Morgan was expected to raid the city to free its Confederate prisoners.272 Clearly causing panic, devastation and misery in 1863 meant that former raiders would not be welcome there. Courage, dash, élan, audacity and stoic loyalty to a losing cause were among the qualities many Kentucky cavalrymen clearly possessed. However their capacity for destruction, havoc, ferocity, cruelty and ruthlessness were equally common. Mercy, forbearance, and justice were rarely evident. What role Kiney had in this horrible world remains unclear. Both the Second Kentucky Cavalry and the reformed Fifth were in Morgan’s raid on Indiana.273 Quoted from an 1863 letter by Altia Porter, “A Young Girls Brush With The Civil War.” By the staff of the Indiana Museum. Moment of Indiana History (sic) posted 14th November 2011. 271 “In Morgan’s Wake Without a Break.” By the staff of the Indiana Museum. Moment of Indiana History (sic) posted April 29th 2013.; Brooksher & Snider, p162. 272 Brooksher & Snider, p162-163. 273 Ibid, p20, pp157-158. 270 215 This 1863 Union newspaper illustration gives a vivid idea of Morgan’s devastation in Salem, Indiana The reality of raiding. The raiders mentioned here were commanded by Captain Taylor. A man of that name and rank was one of Morgan’s Raiders. In other accounts of this incident nearly thirty black soldiers were killed and only their white Commander and two Blacks escaped by hiding. 216 While it is possible that Kiney was absent, being on furlough, suffering sickness or between enlistments during the raid, it is more likely that he was there. From around 1870 on he worked in the Indianapolis railways, where militiamen who had been mustered to deal with Morgan’s raid also worked. Is it likely that he would have deliberately made enemies in his workplace by revealing his past? Either as participant or eyewitness he had good reasons for letting all this pass. Just to be enlisted in a rebel Kentucky Cavalry unit would have been enough to cause hostility, regardless of individual actions. Whatever he did do, he did not lie about it or brag. Finally in 1952 Kiney did state his involvement but did not mention Morgan’s Raiders. This legendary unit was akin to the units of Mosby and Quantrill to many, all were essentially bandits. Admitting being one of them would have sounded a tall story or if believed, would have caused hostility. Is this why Kiney said little about the war before 1952 and perhaps changed his birth year and surname? Much of his life after the war remains little known. He apparently did not fill out censuses, have photographs taken, attend reunions and may not be in street directories. Even his marriages are difficult to trace. In March 1867 a William A. Kiney married in the town of Reynolds, Kentucky. In 1870 this man or another of that name aged twenty-five filled out a census in Kentucky, naming a wife and two baby children. At the recalled age of twenty nine in that same year Kiney moved to Indianapolis and seems to have stayed there. He worked at different jobs, with the railways for twenty years, then as a saddle maker and also as a cabinet maker. In old age with his wife they ran a city newspaper stand. A dramatic moment came into his now prosaic life when he was involved in transporting equipment by rail from Indianapolis to fight Chicago’s great fire of 1871. Family members recalled how his recounting details of this matched information revealed many years later in the media. His story here has no motivation, no gain for fabrication. Why would he lie about this to his family? For those who believe the 1860s birthdates, this presents a problem. Boys aged seven to ten do not work on trains in emergency situations. They do not rush to travel hundreds of miles away from parents and home. They are very rarely employed in government departments. He married four times, having several children. Two, perhaps three of the wives names are known, but not Pauline Dinkins. His last marriage was at the age of 96! After his last wife’s death in the summer of 1951 he went into a 217 home where he was popular. He liked playing dominoes, card games and attending Bible study. Nearly two years later he suffered broken bones in a fall, dying on June 23 1953 and was buried two days later. In Thomas Berger’s 1964 novel Little Big Man these are the exact dates and the exact year that Jack Crabb, a 111 year old Indian fighter originally from Indiana, now existing in an old people’s home, dies. This writer was actually planning a clarifying letter on this matter to Thomas Berger when news of the novelist’s death appeared. Whatever the origins of his idea, it is now lost. rd Although he is a Wild West character, Crabb expresses hostility to the Union cavalry. Like Kiney, Crabb also outlived four wives. Like Kiney, Crabb has a credibility problem in verifying his long distant and violent past during interviews in an old people’s home. Real life inspiration? Art imitating life? As coincidence this would have to be in the millions to one. Like the 1920 marriage information this is a point to investigate even if the fictional Crabb, lecherous, bloodthirsty and cynical in old age, appears as the opposite to Kiney. Hoar’s work shows that that Kiney’s death and funeral happened on the days given here, eleven years before the novel was published. The reproduced death certificate and the reproduced funeral director’s letter means there can be no doubt on this. It has been alleged that Kiney was a fraud trying for the Confederate pension, but although he knew of that pension, he did not apply. In the 1952 interview he explained that Kentucky only paid pensions to its residents and he was not moving back there. He did not publicise or deny his Civil War service, gain any known aid from the Southern charities that cared for veterans or get himself feted by assorted organisations. A polite, modest and quiet man with no taste for attention, he had no motive for pretending to be a Confederate. To be a fake he would have had to fake the 1850 and 1860 censuses and two separate enlistment documents. Forgeries do not easily get into Adjutant’s records, muster rolls and into America’s Official Records. Supposing that somehow this happened or somehow identity theft occurred, why someone who was not odd, did not want government money, attention or aid should put them there or thieve another’s identity becomes an implausible puzzle. Assuming they did manage that, or knew of them and pretended to be this person, why then insist on being born in 1861 or 1864 on other official records? Doing this would clearly make Kiney seem a fraudulent liar, a lunatic or a fool. In the recollections of his granddaughter he casually recalled seeing soldiers march off 218 to war in 1861. Why lie to her? If he was Dinkin’s groom or the ash felt worker did he want to seem younger to his bride or his employers than he was? The odd answer to this odd puzzle may well be the third possibility raised earlier in this segment: reversing exactly what those believing the 1861/1864 dates thought: Kiney may have been a genuine veteran trying to avoid confirmation of that fact. Giving a birth year that precluded him from being in the war would obviously do that. This may also be why he changed the spelling of his name. Why hide? Morgan’s raiders were legendary heroes in the South, but they were obviously seen as something very different in the North and Kiney was living in the North. Did he deliberately give a birth date that would preclude Civil War service and hence avoid ostracism? Did he change his name to avoid detection and live in a Northern state and avoid veteran’s organisations for the same reason? Or did he find himself in a northern state for other reasons, but came to the same attitude? A raider who perhaps killed, stole or destroyed among civilians would be treated differently to a regular army soldier who fought against other soldiers. During the war in Kentucky enemy combatants were given two categories, Confederates and guerrillas. The latter were considered outlaws who could be executed and at least three were, two of them months after the war.274 One of these raiders, Champ Ferguson, admitted to assorted atrocities and killings, but said everybody did this.275 Another, John M. Bradley, only escaped execution by killing his sleeping guard and escaping.276 He also avoided later publicity. When Morgan and hundreds of his men were captured, they were jailed, not sent to a prisoner’s camp. Even being a regular Confederate did not guarantee regular treatment if caught. In 1863 it was reported as far away as Virginia that Confederate officers had been hanged by General Burnside for merely trying to recruit in Kentucky.277 While this does not sound like the usual image of Burnside, Confederates believed it. In 1863 did Kiney get a taste of jail experiences he never wanted repeated? Or did he hear of what had happened to his compatriots? Things that he would never want to happen to him? Raiders were likely to face retribution in some form: execution, vigilante justice, legal prosecution, compensation payouts or ostracism were all possibilities. Captain Clarke’s trial served as a warning for others and hardly inspired confidence in 274 Unsigned web contributions from Executed Today. www.executedtoday.com/ Ibid, 276 Hoar, Vol. III p1621. 277 John B. Jones, p265. 275 219 Kentucky’s justice towards Confederates. Clarke was not allowed defence witnesses, his rank as a Confederate officer was ignored, the gallows were being built while the trial proceeded and no appeal was allowed.278 Like many soldiers did Kiney become disillusioned with the military world, or the Confederacy? Or was it that just he disliked feeling guilt and stress when asked about horrors he preferred to forget? Is this why he left Kentucky, apparently to never return? Kentucky was predominantly Union and Reconstruction Era life there would have been difficult for a man seen as an enemy causing death and devastation. In Indiana he could make a new start, keep quiet about the war and be unknown, especially with a new surname, and the new birth date year of 1861 or 1864 would disconnect him from the war. Captain Clarke, a Confederate officer in Morgan’s Command was hanged as an outlaw. This poster suggests that Morgan and his raiders were seen more as outlaws than soldiers, a good reason never to be identified with them. Even these possibilities are just that. Ironically among the many claiming to be the last Civil War combatant, the last adult who probably was that did not want the title or the attention. Unlike those who lived after him he had the required enlistment evidence to prove that he was the last confirmed combatant veteran. 278 Unsigned web contributions from Executed Today. 220 A coat of the 2nd and the 8th Kentucky Cavalry * 221 Morgan’s Raiders: The life of a Kentucky Cavalrymn Two portraits of John Hunt Morgan. His charisma, calmness, dash and selfconfidence are evident. His receding hairline is not Hunt was the official leader of Morgan’s Cavalry from early in the war until his death by shooting in September 1864. His successor was his brother in law Basil Duke. Both men had trouble controlling their troops. Basil Duke 222 A portrait of a Kentucky Confederate. The southerners usually had weapons prominently displayed in their portraits and warlike expressions are much more common than smiles. The Second Kentucky Cavalry original flag is reproduced below. A modern replica of the Fifth Kentucky Volunteer Infantry, who became mounted infantry is above. They kept their battle flag design close to the Confederate national flag rather than the stars and bars. This state contributed many cavalry regiments to both sides. 223 This uniform is for the enlisted men in the 9 Kentucky Infantry, but Kiney would have worn a similar or perhaps identical uniform in the Kentucky Cavalry. th A Confederate Cavalryman’s kit. Note the pliers, probably for reshoeing the horse 224 A recreation that must be very close to the reality of an 1862 incident. “Raiding the L & N” by John Paul Stain. Morgan is in the foreground. This painting captures the heroic part of Morgan’s raiders, but there was a more sordid side. ‘Confederate Cavalry in the Mountains 1863’ No artist credited. 225 A 2nd Kentucky cavalryman Some of his equipment would be like this. 226 A portrayal of the 10th Kentucky which captures their heroic image and élan. A different view from Harpers Weekly in 1865. 227 This painting by Mort Kunstler depicts the arrival of the Kiney’s probable unit, the 2nd Kentucky Cavalry into Montgomery in July 1863. Although it looks like a romanticised image, note the dragged banner on the far left, the plundered lantern or food chest and the woman in the blue dress tensely hugging the man. Like all images this captures a moment, one that asks us to ask what happens next? What happens next. A Union image of Confederate raiders coming to town. Scared civilians have been rounded up and Unionists singled out or killed. Note the prostrate body on the right, the fire in the background and the pleading woman foreground. While the image seems overdone, the war could be like this. 228 A very realistic and very detailed model of a Confederate cavalryman. 229 The usual image of cavalry is of lightly equipped sabre weilding warriors charging forward, but most of the time horses were transporting men and their equipment and so were heavily loaded. 230 This close up captures the worn reality of cavalry by 1864. The dash and finery have been replaced by practicalities * 231 James Elbert Erwin Result: possible. Date of Birth: disputed 1st January 1851, 7th February 1851 and 1862. Place and Date of Death: 16th November 1953. Age at enlistment: thirteen. Rank: no known rank. Unit: Cavalry in the Army of Tennessee. Combat: Riding in Forrest’s units meant frequent fighting and raiding. In Professor Hoar’s The North’s Last Boys in Blue Vol. II he has a section entitled ‘Unknowns’279 This lists those aged individuals from 1939 onwards 279 Hoar, Vol II pp 995-998. 232 who were or seemed to be surviving participants in the Civil War, but lacked evidence or possibly a desire to be known as a participant. Others may just not have seen it as important or wish to talk about it. Amongst those in this list is James Elbert Erwin. In a recent phone conversation with Professor Hoar he mentioned that in a discussion with Erwin’s grandson, Hoar was told that he believed that his grandfather was not in the Civil War. I initially accepted that opinion but just to be sure did a check with Find a Grave and one of James Erwin’s family gave vital information. This was added to by this writer’s finds in censuses, muster rolls and other official documents and much of James Elbert Erwin’s life story can now be told, although large parts still need inclusion and with other sections much of what is known needs expansion. Both verification and the opinions of his grandson remains uncertain until a fuller account becomes known. Almost all official documents agree that he was born at sea while his family were migrating to America. They also agree that his father was Irish with the 1930 census specifying Northern Ireland and all state that his mother was Scottish. One census, that of 1920, states that he was born in Texas. Where the official documents disagree is what year James was born in. His death certificate says January 1st 1851, while family documents say 7th February in that year. This date is also given in The Sun obituary. Other census documents between 1900 and 1940 give birth years of “about 1861” and 1862. The “about 1861” could be bad handwriting but the year 1862 also appears in James Erwin’s California voter registrations of 1890 and 1896, so the evidence about his birth year precluding military service becomes stronger than if it only came from censuses. This frequently used birth date of 1861, his non-affirmation of military service in the 1930 census and the opinion of his grandson are the three pieces of evidence going against his Civil War service. This is not to say that he was not a Civil War veteran or that the information about service came from him. Over fifty men named James Erwin or James Irwin are written up as Confederate enlistments. Another James Erwin (1842-1926) a Union veteran, lived not far off when Erwin resided in California. With these two factors existent, somebody, somewhere may have unintentionally made an identity confusion. The Erwin family landed in New York, but where they went after this currently appears uncertain. James writing Texas for a birthplace on a census is a possible clue. Professor Hoar has listed the possibility that he rode with Nathan Bedford Forest at the age of thirteen, so this would be after early 233 February 1864. Forrest had just been promoted to Major-General a few months before and was taking command of more units. Before the war ended he would be commanding all cavalry units within the Army of Tennessee, technically this means that any cavalryman in that army, such as James Erwin, was in Forrest’s command. Even so there seems to be a more direct link to Forrest. Although he started as a private and became Colonel of the 3rd Tennessee Cavalry, Forrest would be closely connected to many Confederate cavalry units, which he personally led, first at Regimental level early in the war, then at brigade level later, at different times.280 Muster rolls reveal that Confederate unit sizes rarely match modern conceptions, especially as the war progressed, so regiments which would usually number a thousand might be around two hundred in Forrest’s command. Brigades might be twice or thrice that. These units were not always with Forrest permanently, but were often reassigned, especially during the Atlanta campaign when he was behind the lines and cavalry were needed for the Army of Tennessee at Atlanta. Others needed to replenish after a campaign and were temporarily replaced. This meant that several of Forrest’s units could be the one James E. Erwin was enlisted in.281 An undated enlistment for a Private James E. Erwin does appear, but this is in Company K of the 23rd Georgia Infantry where his position is given as a musician. His middle initial is A in some records, he served in Virginia and according to the website notes of his regiment and was buried in Colorado. The usual problem of not finding an enlistment is reversed. Almost sixty Confederate enlistments for James Erwin or Irwin appear. By excluding those with different middle initials, by variations on the surname spelling, by known age or rank or being in units outside Forrest’s command this still leaves three strong possibilities and several others, who are less strong. All the mentioned regiments were with Forrest at some stage late in the war and all have positives and negatives for fitting in with accounts of Erwin’s enlistment. These are: James Erwin: rank private, enlisted in Holman’s 11th Tennessee Cavalry and Company G 12th Tennessee Cavalry This apparently amalgamated unit was involved in Forrest’s raid on Memphis in August 1864 and the subsequent battle of East Port that October. They went with Forrest on Hood’s disastrous 280 Hurst, p85, p87 p205 p206; Ashdown and Gaudill, p16 p48. The names of most of these enlistment details are taken from the data bases U.S. Civil War Soldiers 1861-1865, Official Records, Ancestry.com and Fold 3 which replicates original service documents for many of those listed here. The orders of battle for Franklin and Nashville and the regimental histories of the units involved were also used. 281 234 Nashville campaign, being involved on the edges of the Franklin battle and being at Nashville, covering the retreat.282 This unit was consolidated with the 3rd and was with Forrest in 1865, fitting the time frame given in descriptions of Erwin’s service. Very little emerges about this individual. He does seem the most likely. As teenage runaways frequently altered their surnames slightly or changed middle initials some of these have been included below. James R. Erwin: enlisted in the 19th Regiment Tennessee Cavalry. This unit was with Forrest in his last campaign in 1864 -1865. The enlisted soldier is one initial out. No service record apart from his enlistment appears to exist. James A. Erwin: enlisted in the 4th Regiment Tennessee Cavalry and perhaps also the 8th Regiment Tennessee Missouri Cavalry as an enlistment with an identical name is there. James P. Erwin: enlisted in 2nd Regiment Kentucky Cavalry. This unit was part of Morgan’s Raiders, but after their disastrous thrashing during the raid of 1863 it was put under Forrest’s command and built up to serve in the Chickamauga campaign. As mentioned in relation to Kiney their muster rolls were in bad shape and reveal very little. James W. Erwin: enlisted in the 59th Regiment Tennessee Mounted Infantry. Nothing emerges about his details, yet. Less likely to be James E. Erwin (1851-1953) are: James M. Erwin: rank private enlisted in Company F 6th Georgia Cavalry. This unit fought under Forrest from Chickamauga until the Atlanta Campaign, then stayed with the Army of Tennessee. As the unit was renamed Smith’s Legion the James Erwin listed there in Anderson’s Company must almost certainly be the same soldier reenlisting in the new consolidated unit. This cavalryman enlisted in late 1862, was captured in May 1864 and took the Oath of Allegiance. James F. Erwin: enlisted in 13th Regiment Texan Cavalry. Known as Burnett’s 13th Mounted Volunteers. He is a middle initial out, or is this deciphering cramped handwriting? This unit rarely fought west of the Mississippi and in the later sections of the war was stationed at Shreveport. 282 Civil War Centennial Commission of Tennessee, Tennesseans in the Civil War Vol.1.1964. The website Confederate Cavalry Units is an adapted condensed section from this book Posted August 12th 2003. 235 James F. Erwin: enlisted in Biffles 19th Regiment Tennessee Cavalry. He is also a middle initial out. His capture in August 1863 excludes this man as enlisting in 1864. While a prisoner tried to pass himself off as Joseph Erwin to his captors. James Erwin: rank private, enlisted in Company K of the 32nd Texas Cavalry (Crumps Battalion Mounted Volunteers, sometimes listed as the 15th Texan Cavalry). This unit was part of Mathew Ector’s Texan Cavalry Brigade. James Erwin’s occupation was listed as musician. This man enlisted in 1861 giving his age as 38. It is extremely unlikely that a thirteen year old could pass for that age. James Irwin (alternate name J.B. Irwin) rank private, enlisted in Company I 3rd Mississippi Cavalry. This was a unit that Forrest had much to do with, leading it and reorganising it.283 However this enlistment has a wrong surname spelling and a wrong alternate name. Lieutenant James D. Erwin enlisted 1861 in the 1st South Carolina Mounted Militia. The early enlistment, the initial and officer’s rank all preclude this from being the thirteen year old James Erwin. James J.T. Erwin enlisted in 9th Battalion Regiment Tennessee Cavalry. The double middle initials go against this being James E. Erwin. James C. Erwin: enlisted in the 38th Mississippi Cavalry. His enlistment began in June 1862 and ended with his capture that October. He was paroled and returned home. James C. Erwin: enlisted in the 4th Battalion of Branner’s Tennessee Cavalry. This unit was part of Dibrell’s Brigade and so was frequently under Forrest’s direct command. This cavalryman enlisted in 1861, making him very unlikely. James Irwin: rank private, enlisted in Company K 7TH Arkansas Cavalry. The evidence here is more against than for. Apart from the surname spelling, few Arkansas cavalry units served with Forrest late in the war and the battle list for this unit is for the war in Arkansas, where Kirby Smith commanded. This man was taken prisoner in 1864 and paroled later that year. James A. Erwin: enlisted in the 3rd Regiment Louisiana Cavalry. This unit was only in Louisiana conflicts, but technically was under Forrest’s command. 283 Dunbar Rowlands, Military History of Mississippi 1803-1898. Excerpt from Ancestry.com 236 James Irwin rank private, enlisted in Company D 1st Mississippi Cavalry. In 1902 when he applied for a pension he wrote (alias) after this name and gave his real name as Charles Thomas. The following section is based on an e-mail sent to me by Linda K. Lehman, a relative of James Erwin and includes information from Donna Peternell, Erwin’s great great granddaughter. Some of this sent information comes from an obituary article of 17th November 1953 printed in his local paper The Sun. After the war James E. Erwin took up mining, travelling to Mexico and as far afield as Chile, Australia and Germany. He arrived at the Big Bear Valley around 1878 when it was still pioneering country. One of the two goldmines he still owned at the time of his death was from the days when Mexico ruled California. The entrance was found accidentally when a pine tree was uprooted. While not giving up mining, he also worked at several occupations, including delivering the mail and building log cabins, which he sold for $15 each. In 1882 he married Alpha Elizabeth Parker (1864 -1919). Of their three children, Robert who was born in 1883 predeceased him, William was born about 1885 and James Erwin’s daughter, Mrs Elizabeth M. Norwood was born two years later. In old age he lived alone in a cabin in the mountain woods, because he liked the atmosphere. The grandeur and beauty of the area makes this very understandable. He emerges in accounts as another of the resilient, fiercely independent hard-working individuals who are so common among the Civil War veterans. Being a miner, a lumberjack and a farmer are all tough occupations, but he worked at them into old age. His toughness, resilience and his independence are evident not only in his living alone, but in the account of his car accident at the age of ninety-seven. Being hit he was taken to Redlands Hospital, but disliking the way nurses fussed over him he left, going on a long trail walk to get back to his cabin. He liked walking. Four years later, while walking with his hearing and eyesight failing, he did not heed a warning and was fatally injured in another car accident. His Civil War service was noted in a local obituary article. For verification there are the family stories, the 1851 birthdate on his death certificate, The Sun obituary article and the fourteen possible enlistments in Forrest’s cavalry; many in some way have points that match what was told. Erwin’s character emerges as another factor. He does not appear on Confederate pension lists, gained aid from the Daughters of the Confederacy or was dishonest, delusional or senile. So why tell the story unless it was true? 237 If he gains verification, he would be the last Civil War combatant. Hard and Kiney died months earlier. Carter, Alexander and Williams did not fight. Riddle remains controversial. Healey and Sylvester Magee had no documentary evidence. The Erwin family homestead in 1913 James Erwin at his Sugarloaf mine 238 James Erwin working in a mine or a quarry in his old age 239 Sarah Frances Rockwell (nee Pearce) aka Fannie Rockwell Result: verified. Date of Birth: Very probably October 25th 1844. A range of other dates give 1842, 1843 1847 1850 and 1854, but all of these other census birthdates, especially the last three, must be erroneous, going against the 1850 census. Date of Death: 23rd November 1953 Age at enlistment: at seventeen or eighteen she volunteered for nursing. 240 Rank: no known rank was given but she worked as a nurse. Sarah Frances Pierce was born in Richmond Virginia, but her birthdate is disputed. An 1850 census, taken sometime between June and October or possibly November, gives her age as six. The Find-a-Grave entry gives the birthdate date October 25th 1843. In an October 1952 interview she is described as celebrating her 108th birthday.284 Her tombstone gives the 1844 date and descendants believe this to be accurate.285 Some web entries give just the year 1844.286 Other census and government document dates give birthdates as late as 1854, and the 1920 census reaches the height of absurdity, giving three birthdates 1842, 1847 and 1850 – and then does not mention these are disputed dates! For those who read censuses literally this means….. well. As she is recorded under her parent’s name in the 1850 census aged six, the dates showing her being born in 1850 and after that year cannot possibly be correct, although two writers who insist she is a fraud use that date – and apparently do not know of the 1850 census. The census birth dates 1842 and 1847 are extremely unlikely unless the 1844 birthdate is wrong and it does not seem to be. The following account is heavily based on census records, her November 1953 obituary in the Danbury News –Times, an October 1952 interview in The New London, Conn. Evening Day, e-mails from one of her descendants and a telephone conversation with Professor Jay S. Hoar and his August 1977 biographical article in The United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine. Finally his entry “Sarah Frances Rockwell” in The South’s Last Boys in Gray. (pages 1704-1709) was invaluable. As continually referencing these sources would lead to almost as many source notes as text sentences, it is better that they be read in full. Civil War history tends to focus on the accounts of officers, politicians, legendary figures and military units with others, such as slaves, blockade runners, intelligence gatherers and medical staff gaining less attention. Several nurses did keep diaries or wrote recollections, but their accounts, while valuable, tend to be about local experiences. Sarah Rockwell does not seem to feature in any of them. Another problem with primary sources involves censorship, both of the official kind and self-censorship. Graphic accounts of the reality of Civil War nursing would have affected recruiting and morale. Such accounts also went against the idea of what was proper. Similarly, they 284 Unsigned article, The New London, Conn. Evening Day. Oct 24th 1952 p5. 285 C. Michael Anderson, e-mail to the author 12th July 2014. 286 Danbury Obituary Article. 241 also went against what people did not want to know about. When Mathew Brady exhibited his photographs of dead Union soldiers in New York after the initial shock there was an uproar – and for images that were not gory and are more sad than graphic. As recently as the filming of Lincoln audiences were disturbed by the hospital scenes, especially when amputated limbs were being piled up in trenches. Obviously such sights would have been more distressing in reality, especially for those who had contact with the soldiers. This comment would apply to Sarah Rockwell. Her family tradition is that she met her fiancé John McWilliams before the war; he enlisted on the same day as her brother John and in the same regiment, the 15th Virginia Infantry.287 With two men so close to her in the fighting, she must have worried that they would have such a fate. Sarah Rockwell’s early life was definitely not preparation for the horrific world of nineteenth-century wartime nursing. In old age she stated that she had always been averse to eating lamb because she believed the poor things deserved a fuller life. Soon after her mother’s death, years before the war broke out, she and her sister and brother were sent to a strict seminary school until her father remarried. They then returned to another school. This cloistered her from the war until she was seventeen or eighteen, when her life dramatically changed. Richmond was besieged and the school closed. Although she does not give a precise date, this was probably in the spring or early summer of 1862, during the peninsula campaign when the Army of the Potomac tried to capture Richmond and got within a few miles of the city. If she was eighteen during the later siege of Richmond in 1864 she must have been born in 1845 or 1846: that goes against all known evidence. Between July 1862 and May-June 1864 Richmond was not under siege: this was when she was aged between seventeen and nineteen. The second siege was a siege at Petersburg’s trenches rather than of Richmond: this started in the summer of 1864. Her descendants support the October 1844 birthdate with good evidence, so she may have begun nursing in the middle of 1862, months before turning eighteen that October. This is the most likely option. The urgent need for nurses in the 1862 siege also suggests the earlier date. 287 C. Michael Anderson, e-mail to the author 12th July 2014. 242 Nursing in Richmond Virginia 1861. This is a very romantic view, yet early in the war before casualties increased and supplies dwindled, it had a basis in reality. It could be a scene set in Lily Logan Morrill’s parlour. Due to the war Richmond had one of the world’s largest hospitals at that time, the Chimborazo, one of many in the city. This was less than a decade after Florence Nightingale had started modernising nursing during the Crimean War and while Jean Henri Durant was forming the Red Cross in Europe. Before Florence Nightingale revolutionised nursing in the 1850s nurses were usually either family members looking after a relative, nuns or low life camp followers. Nightingale has become a controversial figure, but whatever her real achievements, she did give nurses a new image. One stereotype rapidly 243 replaced another: nurses rapidly became the saintly, self-sacrificing “angel of the battlefield.” This romantic cultural image of military nursing still exists. Sarah Rockwell may have initially believed it. In this stereotypic image stoic, noble, handsome officers seem incapacitated by wounds that never permanently incapacitate, facially scar or leave the gallant captain mentally broken. They are healed by love. He heals under the heroine’s loving care as they share a peaceful, clean and spacious environment. If Sarah Rockwell had anything to do with such nursing she did not describe it. It would be 1929 before Ernest Hemingway’s A Farewell to Arms revealed the more common realities to an accepting public through his ironic treatment of a nurse-soldier romance. Even so, the earlier sentimental image had some elements of truth. It was not so much a fabrication as a presented picture of the best possible aspects of wartime nursing. Both as a possibility and a contrast to what is known of her nursing reality this image is worth examining. Virginian nurse Lily Logan Morrill lived that romantic reality and her story was retold in 1932 when her daughter edited and introduced her 1890 recollections in My Confederate Girlhood. Her family mansion near Richmond took wounded Confederates and she was flirtatious with a handsome officer, a casualty who had an injured arm. Every morning he would lie on the front parlour lounge basking in the sun, being fanned, while Lily or her mother rebandaged his arm and fed him delicacies, chatted or read to him. This scenario was repeated when a Colonel Logan, a man she was already attracted to, was wounded and she made sure he would survive by getting him out of Richmond’s hospitals and into her home. In My Confederate Girlhood her documentation and photographs bear out a fairy tale. Rich, respected and incredibly handsome, he became one of the Confederacy’s youngest generals. After their marriage in May 1865 they had a successful civilian life together lasting almost fifty years. However even in this seemingly rosy account more distasteful realities briefly emerge. Lily’s brother Edwin returned home to be nursed – and died a day after Christmas 1861. His body was laid out in the same parlour where more idyllic images were played out. Lily was very aware that the men who recovered under her care had much less chance of recovery in Richmond’s hospitals, where in her accurate view, there was more suffering and less healing. Richmond’s hospitals became the world of Sarah Frances Rockwell (nee Pearce) and Hattie Cook Carter. In a cruel irony Sarah’s conditions and life were the opposite of those of Lily Logan Morrill. She also intended to marry her 244 Confederate soldier in the spring of 1865, Corporal McWilliams, but he would be killed in action. This photograph was taken at a Union casualty station after the battle of Savage’s Station in July 1862. It captures the reality of wartime nursing - and for both sides. The tent was probably set up for operations. The reality of home nursing also had another side: colloquially, Hemingway got it right. By the autumn of 1861 so many soldiers who were given home nursing had deserted that President Davis wanted to legally end private hospitals.288 Early in the war, just before Sarah began nursing, Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens tried organising medical services and in February 1862 he got a requested report on their state in Virginia. This individual who reported, Mary H. Johnstone, told him that the sudden and massive medical needs were hitting a society where people had little of the necessary experience and this was causing massive disruption. More practically, she told him that tented hospitals were inadequate for recovery, surgeons should be competent and temperate (probably meaning sober, but possibly just good-tempered) and Rebecca Beatrice Brooks, “Captain Sally Tompkins: Nurse and Officer in the Confederate Army” Civil War Saga A Blog of the American Civil War. Posted June 11th 2013. pp1-2. 288 245 that the soldiers deserved better treatment than they were getting from people owing their positions to friendly contacts, not ability.289 A realistic view of a Confederate nurse at more common work. Sarah Rockwell did not give a detailed description of her conditions in Richmond, but Nurse Constance Cary was there at the same time. She has left a vivid eyewitness account of Richmond at the beginning of June 1862, in the medical aftermath of the battle of Seven Pines. This was probably around the time Sarah Rockwell became a nurse and Cary was in almost exactly the same situation as regards class, age, attitude and locale. Although she describes a specific 1862 battle the situation in the city would have been much the same in the 1864 siege battles, when Sarah Rockwell was definitely there. Richmond in 1862 was a city of approximately over eighty thousand residents, perhaps many more, as it had rapidly more than doubled in size due to the war.290 In early June 1862 it was suddenly overwhelmed by massive numbers of wounded, as thousands were brought back and needed urgent medical attention. Many were suddenly deposited in disused buildings. Others went to homes and Cary Mary H. Johnstone, “Personal Observations at some of the Camps and Hospitals.” Feb 3rd 1862. In Heroines of Dixie: Confederate Women Tell Their Story of the War. By Katherine M. Jones. 1955. New York: Smithmark, 1995. pp75-77. 290 Nelson Langford, Richmond Burning. p19. 289 246 describes how “the streets were one vast hospital.”291 She saw that in one hotel the wounded lay on boards with only blankets or haversacks for pillows, while churches supplied pew cushions sown together for mattresses. Women’s groups sewed pallets and mattresses together as fast as possible. Cary and another young woman, also apparently with no previous medical experience, finding themselves standing in front of fifteen wounded soldiers, volunteered to surgeons to serve as nurses and were accepted immediately “as responsible nurses under direction of an older and more experienced woman.”292 This is ambiguous. It suggests as they were working with surgeons, they may have assisted in operations without prior training. This is apparently one of the very few (perhaps the only) detailed accounts of a Confederate Richmond nurse’s career starting and there was no enlistment for her or any suggestion that this ever happened. War’s traumas comes across clearly in her account as Cary describes herself and others searching among the dead and dying for loved ones and of fathers riding beside dying sons carried in carts and litters. She also describes the situation with funerals. So many died of wounds that funerals were also conducted at night, often to bands playing the Dead March. This was a city almost overwhelmed by casualties – in what was not one of the largest battles. At Seven Pines the Confederacy lost nearly six thousand in dead and wounded: a month later in the seven days battles Richmond would have to deal with over three times that many casualties.293 The more genteel and lucrative positions were reserved for upper and middle class ladies.294 Even so, many of them like Cary and Rockwell did not shirk from what could legitimately be called the horrors of nursing. The combined stench of gangrene, gastric infections, and rooms packed with old, bloodied and puss infested bandages and unwashed men was often so powerful as to make healthy men faint.295 Some nurses found the stench so bad that they would plug their noses with camphor soaked cotton balls. Disease was so common in hospitals that some nurses died.296 291 Cary in Heroines of Dixie. p146. Ibid, p147. 293 John Macdonald, Great Battles of the American Civil War. London: Guild Publishing, 1988. p39, p47. 294 Catherine M. Wright, “Women During the Civil War.” Encyclopedia Virginia. 295 Maggie Mclean, “Nursing in the Civil War South.” Civil War Women posted 17th November 2006. civilwar womenblog.nursing-in-the-civil-war-south. 296 Ibid. 292 247 The calico dress of a Union Civil War nurse. Human bloodstains remain. This is likely to be typical of nurse’s clothing until later in the war when uniforms with aprons were common. The Civil War era nurse’s kit was extremely simple, gauze, scissors, bandages, a sewing kit, tweezers and a knife Confederate armies forbade women enlisting, although some paid women were listed as nurses in some set locales. Nurses were rarely enrolled, the regulars at Chimborazo were – and Sarah’s name does not appear in documents, but then few do. Among those few enrolled anywhere was Sally Tompkins, one of Richmond’s highest placed hospital matrons. Jefferson Davis gave her the rank of Captain and as head of the Robertson Hospital, which she established and made one of Richmond’s best, she gained fame. 297 The Confederacy’s youngest known nurse, Delity Powell Kelly and her mother were enrolled – as Unsigned blog, “Captain Sally Tompkins Defends Top Civil War Hospital” History Engine Tools For Collaborative Education and Research. https.//historyengine.richmondedu/episodes/view/5595 297 248 auxiliaries to a Florida Artillery company where they even had their own uniform – gray homespun dresses with red trim, red being the artillery uniform trim. They often accompanied their unit on its campaigns.298 How unusual this was remains uncertain, but from other accounts it seems that Confederate nurses were not usually enlisted, given ranks, or gained notice, let alone uniforms or fame. This makes tracing Sarah Rockwell’s service through official documents close to impossible: searching for evidence through computerised records by this writer has not found any existing record. In an introduction to Confederate Medical Personnel which is a compilation of recently computerised records listing known medical staff and other information, DeAnne Blanton has written of the difficulties associated with the records of medical staff.299 She also mentions Richmond’s burnt records in April 1865 and the frequent Confederate tactic of burning their records as the war ended. Extant records are almost exclusively concerned with paid staff and she writes that it seems the Confederate government did not document work by medical volunteers.300 Attempts by this writer to find mention of Sarah Rockwell or Hattie Cook Carter through these sources led myself and then the archivists nowhere. Even so, some mention of either nurse might still exist somewhere. Richmond’s Chimborazo Hospital was the world’s largest at that time, so although many of the nurses were men, Sarah Rockwell perhaps worked there to some extent, but Chimborazo was more of a convalescent hospital than a casualty ward and she stated that she worked at improvised hospitals; these were often homes or unused buildings. According to Margaret Mitchell’s research, unmarried women were often used to write letters home, read stories, and give religious consolation and to provide gifts such as clothing and food. This was also essentially the situation at Chimborazo.301 The more distasteful roles such as treating wounds, or anything involving revealed flesh were usually left to widows and married women or males. Slaves, the poor or lower class women were usually used for such tasks as cooking, washing, changing mattresses or the more grisly work.302 298 Hoar, Vol. III pp1803-1807. In 1929 and 1930 her service was sworn to under oath, by herself and four veterans who were eyewitnesses. 299 Confederate Medical Personnel Spring 1994, Vol. 26 No 1. http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/1994/spring/confederate-medicalpersonnel.html p1. 300 Ibid. 301 Unsigned Introduction Chimborazo Hospital. Internet Site. 302 Wright, “Women During the Civil War.” 249 Even so, what Sarah briefly recounted to family members suggests that many of her experiences differed from the genteel image and the easier work as most of her time went into the urgent casualty wards. As Cary’s account suggests, the staid and protective conventions must have withered quickly under the massive influx of casualties from the spring of 1862 onwards, about the time her nursing career probably began. Sarah Rockwell recalled how the groans of wounded prisoners haunted those seeking to give comfort. She saw sufferings that stayed with her all her life.303 With Grant’s onslaughts against Richmond in 1864 Sarah and her mother spent long hours attending to the scores of casualties who kept pouring into the city after each battle. Rather than the occasional idyllic image Lily Logan Morrill gave or the idealised painted image presented in this segment, the Atlanta hospital scenes from Gone with the Wind must be closer to her reality. Some scenes show upper class women writing letters for illiterate soldiers, others show bloody bandages being rewashed and rows of filthy, suffering men in ragged uniforms crowded into large rooms. In the most graphic scene a screaming man begs not to have his leg removed – and it is, without anaesthetic. William J. Bush, who was in Georgia in 1864, said the film was like being there. Few images as realistic as that film emerged from the war. Civil War era photographs of hospitals usually give us neat, orderly rows of hospital beds, clean floors and passive patients. It was an image governments wanted preserved and seventy years later they still did. So as not to affect recruiting Gone With the Wind’s hospital scenes were censored out in some British Commonwealth countries with the film’s release early in World War II. Sarah did not try to evade service: she went beyond probable expectations. Between battles she would bathe and feed Union prisoners crowded into Richmond’s Libby prison. In March 1865, the Pearce family fled Richmond to the safety of Lynchburg. Three weeks later her fiancé Corporal John McWilliams, was killed at the battle of Five Forks, two weeks before their marriage After the war her family returned to Richmond to find their home devastated and that Richmond had little need for her father’s profession, a hatter. They eked out a living there for nearly four years, selling their remaining furniture. As her brother, a former Confederate soldier, had already found work in Bethel years before, the family joined him and according to a census, she worked as a dressmaker. 303 Danbury Obituary Article. 250 As these photographs show, tents could be poor protection from weather, being cluttered and cramped. Such conditions lead to the spread of diseases such as typhus, dysentery, diarrhoea, cholera, typhoid, pneumonia, malaria and influenza. Disease killed almost twice as many soldiers as the battles. Note how few women are in the caring groups. 251 A Confederate field hospital at Antietam. Realistic images such as this of the often pitiful and makeshift hospitals were rare. The Union hospital pictured below was well behind the battle lines, intended for convalescents. This was probably as good as it got for casualties. 252 Sarah Rockwell at the family burial plot in September 1946. She married Charles Jay Rockwell, a blacksmith in April 1873. He gave her the nickname “Fannie” and it stuck. From 1875 onwards they spent much of her life in Danbury Connecticut. She did return to Richmond briefly in 1909, but found the city so changed and so few old friends and acquaintances were left that she was disappointed and returned north. She preferring her memories of Richmond in the antebellum days. Although she claimed to hold no bitterness over the war, she did say that the fact that her husband was a wartime civilian with sympathy to the South made their marriage easier. Their happy marriage lasted over forty-five years, until his death from a stroke in August 1918. Her life was centred on her family, her two daughters and their children and then grandchildren. Family recollections recall her tolerance and good humour, her love of cooking and family get togethers, her courtesy and cheer. Sarah Rockwell was a person of tremendous resilience, and lived in good physical and mental health for most of her life. Only in her last years when she had problems with her hearing and her sight did her body start to fail, but as the 1952 interview and her family’s 253 recollections both show, her mind stayed sharp. Almost certainly the media coverage of the Korean War recalled for her the horrors of her Civil War days as she fervently hoped she would live to see it end. She died four months after the July 1953 truce. The ‘Fakers’ article, (printed in a flying saucer and other paranormal events magazine) says that Rockwell and William J. Bush were fakes as they were only fifteen the summer the war ended.304 This supposed age is very emphatically stated but is unlikely, but even if this is so (and detailed evidence apart from contradictory and unreliable censuses is needed) a fifteen year old could still nurse and several very young women did. Perhaps the youngest two, one on each side, Susan Haines Clayton of Indiana and Delity Powell Kelly of Florida, both professionally trained by their mothers and working with them, nursed soldiers from the age of ten onwards.305 Their longevity, making them among the last survivors, may be the reason that this is known. Sarah Rockwell has been put into the “too young to serve” category like so many others because of a highly selective use of censuses. How could she have been born in 1850 if the census of 1850 shows her as aged six? Once again this idea of the censuses is disproved by examples and information from censuses and from other primary sources. Like Loudermilk there was confusion over her age and also in relation to her first wartime service. Like Loudermilk she had no enlistment documents. However they differ in other aspects that get Rockwell over the line in verification, but just stop him. She was accepted by the Daughters of the Confederacy as genuine: he was rejected. She had no motive to fake: he did. He had so many relatives and namesakes who muddle his account, she did not. Sarah Rockwell’s accounts are creditable, she seems a strong character and had no Civil War pension, did not seek power or publicity and had no reason to deceive. Professor Hoar spoke strongly in her favour and referred to factual evidence which is presented here.306 We have census documents for her age, family records and documentation, marriage documents, interviews, photographs, and a traceable life. No evidence goes against her statements. She made no outrageous or suspicious claims. No evidence of destroyed or missing ‘Fakers’ previous citation. Jay S. Hoar Callow Brave and True: A Gospel of Civil War Youth. pp203-204 and Vol. III The South’s last Boys in Gray. pp1803-1807. 304 305 306 See Hoar, Vol. III. The South’s Last Boys in Gray. pp 1704-1709. 254 documentation appears because almost certainly, none exists. She was a survivor. * 255 Frank H. Mayer Result: His Union Service is accepted √ Date of Birth: May 28th 1850. Date of Death: 12th February 1954. Age at enlistment: thirteen. Rank: Private. Unit: 27th Regiment Pennsylvania Infantry Emergency Militia 1863. Perhaps others. Service: Drummer boy and bugler for the Militia and perhaps the infantry. Combat Experience: He claimed that he was too young to fight. He also claimed to having been present at some battles, but this could have meant as an observer or as a musician, who while involved in unit movements, did not actually fight. Length of service: uncertain. 256 Evidence of Service apart from his own accounts. He is listed in Official Records, once as Franklin Mayer in the militia and then almost certainly as Frankel Mayer in the 27th Regiment Pennsylvania Infantry. However the given age cannot be right and was probably faked. Other enlistments for privates titled Frank Mayer also exist, but cannot be stated to be him with certainty. His Civil War service contains much that is uncertain. The Pennsylvania State archives contains his militia enrolment. Frank Mayer’s parents were European migrants. He was born in New Orleans in 1850, but his parents moved to Ashland Pennsylvania to be nearer to relatives in 1855.307 As a child he loved fishing, hunting and guns and these loves never left him. 308 Mayer gets continual references by those writing about him as a teller of tall tales concerning himself. Apart from his accounts, evidence for much of what he says looks thin or cannot be. He does not seem to have filled out a census until 1900 or 1920 and few records of his early life survive. However his very few and very brief references to Civil War service are not tall tales. One of his early stories can only be obviously false and others are unlikely, although much of his life was extraordinary. The obviously false tall tale was that he would claim that as a Colorado sheriff he was in love with the dancer named Silverheels and that with her nursing and financial donations for medical aid, together they stopped a smallpox epidemic in the mining town of Buckskin Joe, Colorado. Out of gratitude the residents named a mountain town after her, but she left with his love unrequited, perhaps because smallpox had scarred her face, but then Mayer being eleven years old at the time may have had something to do with it. The epidemic, Silverheels and her charitable role and the naming of the mountain are all verified, but this happened in 1861.309 Precocious as Mayer was, eleven year olds are not elected sheriffs or romance grown dance hall girls. Really being married at seventeen was precocious enough and Mrs Mayer’s name was not Silverheels. A dubious claim concerns his rank. Mayer claimed to be a colonel, but in what? He may have been a militia colonel in some Wild West militia, or some such unit raised for the suddenly erupted Spanish-American War, when such 307 Hoar, Frank H. Mayer: Last of the Buffalo Hunters. Excerpted from Professor Jay S. Hoar’s Civil War Trilogy Sunset And Dusk of the Blue and the Gray (2006-2010) Temple, Maine: Bo Ink-um Press, 2012. p881. 308 Ibid, p881. 309 “Silverheels.” By Adam James Jones. Rocky Mountain Legends. Posted May 4th 2011. 257 units as the Rough Riders did emerge and where it is claimed he served.310 He could have been a colonel of scouts or given the honorary title by some state, territory or organisation, but where is the evidence? He told his friend Lucy Tarbell Roth that he “felt he was not a real soldier, having no gun, wounds or lengthy service.”311 This also suggests that his emergency militia service may have been his total record. What he could not have been was a regular U.S. army colonel serving (as one encyclopaedia claims) for thirty five years, although he was titled Colonel in many documents. 312 He was known to be a buffalo hunter through much of the 1870s and a Colorado sheriff after that. Either occupation would preclude him from holding a simultaneous U.S. Army Colonel’s rank. Should such stories put his few believable statements about Civil War service in doubt? Bush and Woolson also told some impossible ones, and about their time in the Civil War, yet their service is beyond doubt. Who alive has not told a tall tale or said something preposterous as a joke? Should their service in organisations then be discounted? What cannot be a tall story is that Mayer appears in the Official Records as enlisted in the 27th Regiment Pennsylvania Infantry Emergency Militia 1863. This unit was rapidly raised to help counter Lee’s invasion. Mayer’s enlistment dates from June 22nd 1863 until presumably July 31st of that year, when the whole unit was mustered out.313 They retreated in one skirmish where they took twenty-three casualties, but burned bridges across the Susquehanna River and by doing so protected Harrisburg, Pennsylvania’s capitol from falling to a rear attack. At this time Pennsylvania was already demoralised and the loss of its capitol could have led to a collapse of its war effort. This in turn could have had a domino effect on other northern states, then war weary and demoralised after the defeats at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. Instead of this possibility the destruction of these bridges shaped Lee’s movements, leading him to Gettysburg.314 That skirmish could make Mayer the last Civil War veteran to be in combat. Both that and his being in the unit that changed the course of history were both things to boast about, but apparently if Mayer ever did boast of it, this remains unknown. Like Kiney, another likely last Civil War survivor, his actions and his usual silence means that he apparently did not want the ‘Frank Mayer.’ (Colorado) Wikipedia Hoar, Vol. II p885. 312 ‘“Frank Mayer.’ (Colorado) Wikipedia. 313 Hoar, Vol. II p882., 314 Ibid, p882. 310 311 258 possibility of being the last survivor. Also like Kiney, his accounts of his war service were brief, believable and free of bluff and bull. A Franklin Mayer who appeared in this unit has his first name spelled a little differently and has a written down age of twenty-three. This age factor remains the major barrier to Mayer’s verification, but it becomes weak upon examination. It does create the possibility that it was someone else, possibly a relative as they lived around Ashland, where this unit was recruited. It may also be that Mayer was as precocious in his appearance as he was in his words and deeds. Pennsylvania was facing invasion and niceties about age were evaporating under the pressure. Another possibility which could mix with the first is that the enlisting officer needed every volunteer he could get fast for what was labelled the emergency unit and to boot Mayer was a crack shot. Official Records has a Private Frank Mayer in the 7th New Jersey Infantry, a unit that served at Gettysburg and Appomattox. This could be Mayer serving on. Whoever he was, he must have enlisted after the regiment was reformed in time for Gettysburg or perhaps just after - after the militia disbanded. The timing fits Mayer’s possibly continued service. Probably one man named Frank/Franklin/Frankel Mayer, existed, but possibly three did. Like many runaways or young volunteers Mayer may have changed his name slightly to avoid detection. Official Records lists nine Union soldiers named Frank Mayer. All nine were privates, but none are listed as a musician. Only one of these, an 1861 Indiana enlistee, definitely cannot be Frank H. Mayer (1850-1954) although the Private Mayer serving in a Minnesota unit must be unlikely as he never mentioned artillery service and Minnesota was a long way from home. So was the impossible Missouri namesake, listed among those named Frank Mayer in Fold 3. He was an officer in his forties born in Prussia.315 Others were involved with the Army of Ohio, and so are less likely than those in the Army of the Potomac. Even so preliminary investigations reveal no facts for excluding all but two of these ten from being Frank H. Mayer (1850-1954). He said that he had served as a bugler and a drummer, being too young to fight.316 This seems likely: he also said that after war service he was like so many others still restless so he moved west, being part of the winning of the west.317 Fold 3 Civil War Service Entry: ‘Frank Mayer.’ Hoar quoting Mayer p883. The quotes come from The Buffalo Harvest a book Mayer wrote and his friend Charles B. Roth, it was edited and had published in 1958. 317 Ibid 315 316 259 Frank H. Mayer aged 100. That restlessness that never left him. In his biography Professor Hoar summarises Mayer’s post-war career. As mentioned in the 1870s he was a buffalo hunter and then a Colorado mining town sheriff. He must have been an Indian fighter at some stage, because aged 97, he finally had an imbedded arrowhead removed. The two bullets left in him around 1883 apparently stayed. They may have been from his years as a sheriff. Like James Erwin he travelled and worked extensively overseas in the years after the war, and doing similar work. He hunted in Alaska, built railways in Brazil and dug for diamonds in Australia. He claimed to have survived the great Chicago fire and the 1906 San Francisco earthquake, three shipwrecks, two avalanches and again like Erwin, survived being hit by a truck in old age. His occupations included being a rancher, a teacher, a surveyor and a mining engineer. 260 Frank Mayer in his cowboy days The 1920 census listed his occupation as journalist and he did write three books and many articles. He retired in 1942 and the 1953 truck accident finally slowed him down, he became bedfast. He had his recollections taped late that year and died early in 1954, being very probably the second last Union veteran. Annoyingly his unneeded tall stories detracted from his extraordinary achievements rather than enhanced them. He was probably indulging in bull sessions meant to amuse and amaze. In this situation insiders are knowing while outsiders are tested for gullibility or good humour. Those stories should have been labelled as such and published. He lived a life which gives the impression that giving it in full detail would be a life’s work. 261 * 262 W.W. Alexander Result: Possible. The problem is not so much his age, or a lack of evidence but clarity, as there are many Confederates from the Carolinas with an identical surname and initials and probably at least one with the same full name. Date of Birth: possibly 1849 but probably 20th July 1856. Date of Death: 16th February 1954. Age at enlistment: He was most likely aged nearing nine at the war’s end. The South Carolina claimed service suggests that he was aged sixteen when actively serving. Rank: private. Unit: 13th North Carolina Infantry Company B. (?) Other North Carolina units are possible. Another possibility is the 16th South Carolina Infantry Company B. Service: musician, (?) flag bearer (?) soldier (?) home guard Combat Experience: possible but unlikely. Length of service: uncertain. As this book was in the last proofreadings, two vital pieces of information came through two different enlistments. Martha Cross Mordecai, a correspondent, reported her find of two enlistment documents which are 263 included in the section below. Inspired and chastened by my not finding them, I searched again and found the third, Wilson Watson Alexander. So how was this vital information missed? I had searched Official Records, Moore’s multi volume work listing all the Confederate soldiers of North Carolina, communicated to assorted veteran’s groups, papers, and Civil War groups, investigated every W.W. Alexander and William Wallace Alexander seemingly findable on the net, thoroughly investigated William Wilson Alexander from Mecklenburg County, (who was enlisted in the 15th North Carolina Infantry 1861-1865) and then went through all the lists of those named William Alexander born 1856 in North Carolina in Ancestry.com. This was exhausting and looks exhaustive, but it clearly was not. If I had used different search words, William W. Alexander, would the answer have been different? The final reason for giving up and assuming that he was not likely to be a Civil War participant was W.W. Alexander’s answer in the 1930 census that he was not a veteran. Let us not trust censuses, even when they are clear, even when evidence or apparent lack of it seems to back them. The second correspondent Thomas P. Cole, a Mecklenburg librarian, sent requested clippings which had statements from W.W. Alexander about his war service. These accounts while brief, state his version. He did not claim to serve in Virginia, but in South Carolina late in the war.318 Thomas P. Cole quite rightly communicates the possibility that there were two males named William Wallace Alexander born about seven years apart in the same area and also refers to the confusion of information over similarly named individuals.319 If it can be proved that William Watson Alexander is William Wallace Alexander (1849? 1856?-1954) it shows how wrong researched conclusions can go. It also shows how difficult and easily prone to error Civil War research and reliance on the internet can be. The North Carolina enlistment will be dealt with first, the South Carolina enlistment second. * At this stage investigating W.W. Alexander begins to look like a parody of the work done so far. Both (or more) men named William Wallace Alexander were from Mecklenburg County and both may have served in the Civil War. There is also a William Wilson Alexander (1839-1909) who was definitely a Confederate veteran and from the same county and several others titled W.W. Alexander on various muster rolls. Far from complicating matters I have 318 319 Thomas P. Cole, e-mail 17th October 2014. Ibid 264 excluded those with this name who are obviously unlikely. However I must include some who may or may not exist as they might be William Wallace Alexander. Evidence Against Verification: He was not included in the 1949 Life story on surviving Civil War veterans, or the 1951 syndicated Associated Press story. In his Volume III Professor Hoar writes of Alexander’s charm, his lovableness and loyalty, but he describes his evidence as less than solid, but does raise the possibility that he may have served in some juvenile capacity, similar to several possibilities that has been listed in this article.320 Then there are Alexander’s records. In the 1910 census he left the Civil War veteran’s question blank. In the 1930 census question he answered “no.” His death certificate also leaves the military service question blank. Faced with the question he probably realised that whatever he had done in the war years did not make him a warrior/veteran by the military standards of Confederate armies. Frank Mayer in a similar position, had a similar attitude. Age is the big question. While not conclusive, the most reliable evidence puts his birthdate as 20th July 1856. He claimed to be sixteen when he served. The first possible verification is for a William W. Alexander who lived in and enlisted in Mecklenburg County. His military service began on January 22nd 1864 when he was enrolled in Company B “the Mecklenburg County Company” of the 13th North Carolina Infantry. Interestingly he was ranked as a musician. A second reference to this same individual is in the Appomattox Parole List where only one difference becomes clear. His name is given as William Watson Alexander. Just to confuse a historian’s life further a Wilson Watson Alexander was also enlisted in the 13th North Carolina Infantry as a musician. This may be a re-enlistment using a slightly different alias. In the muster roll their names are together, relatives? This initially looks like two confused double enlistments, one each for each man! However this second enlistment for musician Wilson Watson Alexander is undated, the locale is Charlotte and his name does not appear again. This may or may not be the W.W. Alexander who was born around 1849. The man who claimed to have served in South Carolina when Sherman invaded did not mention serving in Virginia and did not have the middle name Watson. To make matters worse, another Private William W. Alexander was enrolled in the 12th North Carolina Regiment, another W.W. Alexander in the 76th and a third in the 18th South Carolina, which served in Virginia. After thinning out the unlikely, those from other states, officers, sappers, general staff 320 Ibid. 265 members and one in Thomas’s Legion, there are still four more enlisted North Carolinians named William Alexander (no middle initial or name) without attached information that could preclude them from being William Wallace Alexander (1849 or 1856-1954). All of these North Carolinians surnamed Alexander appear in U.S. Civil War Soldier Records and Profiles 1861-1865. Not one appears in Official Records. Thomas P. Cole also refers to the confusion over similarly named individuals.321 One of these William Wallace Alexanders, by the obituary photograph the man who lived until 1954, was a boy witnessing the Union army entering Charlottesburg.322 Annoyingly his obituary article also states that “he was able to recount numerous stories of the war” but does not give details. His stories could have been further civilian observations - or of his militia service. Civil War service is not mentioned in the article and his age at death is given as 97.323 This man’s leaving of the 1910 Civil War service question blank and the answer “no” to the 1930 veteran’s question can be less damaging than it seems. Did the census takers assume after getting Alexander’s age that he could not possibly be a veteran and write “no” without asking him? Did former Confederates feel uneasy about admitting military opposition to a representative of the government they opposed? Did W.W. Alexander feel that being an eight year old musician or a home guardsman who did not fight mean that he was not a veteran? They are all possibilities. The more this is pondered on, the more likely it seems that W.W. Alexander’s regular involvement in veteran’s activities is based not in a love of reunions, or incorrectly seeing himself as a veteran warrior, but because he was a young participant in the Confederate war effort in some way. These assorted enlistments for someone with slight variations on his name come tantalisingly close to verifying that: tantalisingly. The 1949 recollections of being in South Carolina are strong evidence against his being at the Appomattox surrender. This W.W. Alexander recalled in 1949 that he served as a private near his home at Rock Hill, South Carolina. He talked of how he helped bury gold and other valuables so that “the Yankees would not find them.” He also mentioned guarding a local bridge from an approaching attack as Sherman’s army came 321 Ibid, No writer credited, Charlottesburg Observer ‘Rites Tomorrow for 97-year old.’ No date or page given. Probably dated February 1954. 323 Ibid 322 266 into South Carolina and that both of these activities were successful.324 In the same article he mentions that he never killed anybody but he “saw plenty.” Like those he served with, he had no uniforms. All this is in line with what usually happened amongst home guard units in the war’s last months, when children frequently replaced adults needed in the regular army. These prosaic and common recollections have a ring of truth. What W.W. Alexander said in conclusion was somewhat unusual and leaves no doubt about his continuing loyalty to the Confederacy: “If we had this here atom bomb then we sure would have splattered Sherman all over Georgia.”325 The article gives only a few lines to his war record and it does contain errors that might be typos. Sherman in South Carolina must be in 1865, not 1863 as given and unless the evidence for his birth in 1856 is wrong, Alexander’s age cannot have been 102 in 1949 or sixteen at the time he said he served. However some tentative evidence that he did remember his age and service date rightly emerges. A private W.W. Alexander enlisted in the 16th South Carolina Infantry in 1863.326 While this was not a home guard unit, being sent to Mississippi in May 1863, it did serve in the Army of Tennessee, and so was in South Carolina towards the war’s end. A 1947 newspaper account of his being at a Chattanooga reunion gives his age then as 97, while a similar 1946 story gives his age as 98.327 That 1856 date may well be wrong and he may be the Charlotte man born in 1849 and listed in records, as his death certificate shows.328 Did he give the interviewer the 1863 date? If so this might be a sign of a faltering memory ninety years on and probably reflects the same thing happening with his memories of his age, he did die with a combination of pneumonia and a cerebral haemorrhage.329 It may also be that he correctly remembering the year of his enlistment in the 16th South Carolina and then skipping ahead to the war’s last months. The confusion over his age is the major block for full verification. William W. Alexander was born into a farming family living near Sharon in Mecklenburg County, North Carolina. Four censuses, between 1880 and 1920, give him a birth year of 1858 or 1857, but censuses have little credibility William R. Nunn, ‘Veteran and his Party En Route to Encampment at Little Rock.’ Memphis Press-Scimitar October 10th 1949. n.p. 325 Ibid, 326 Fold 3. ‘Confederates’ ‘W.W. Alexander.’ 327 Tom Cole, e-mail to the author, 17th October 2013. Tom Cole is a researcher and librarian with the Mecklenberg Library. 328 Death Certificate of William Wallace Alexander dated 18th February 1954. Charlotte Mecklenburg County North Carolina 329 Ibid, 324 267 in this work. Professor Hoar gives him a more precise and more probable birthdate, 20th July 1856.330 This date is also given in his newspaper obituary, in the family Bible and on his tombstone.331 Family Bibles are unlikely to be wrong, being original documents, being considered sacred by those who wrote them and unlikely to contain falsehoods as the Bible was considered sacred. If the 1856 date is correct then he was at the most nearing nine at the war’s end. However even his death certificate, becomes part of the confusion. This gives his birth year being given as “184 ” the day and month as July 20th - but his age as 97 in 1954.332 Newspaper stories also give birthdates in the later 1840s. Reunion photographs create an impression that he was at the least a very experienced adult military man. This image clearly does not match his age. However after reading of Virginian “infantryman” Alex Gillenwater, aged seven on enlistment, and also of others eleven or younger serving as conscripted Confederate combatants, W.W. Alexander serving as an enlisted child soldier in the desperate last months of the war sounds very possible. One possibility from tradition is that he may have been a flag bearer.333 The flag bearer was supposedly the best soldier and was the most prominent soldier in the unit. This does fit in with his enthusiasm and prominence at events in old age. It would have also stopped disputes in a unit over who had this honoured, coveted and often disputed position. Who would take that honour from a child? Given his age, he may not have carried the flag into battle, but would do so on marches, while drilling and on ceremonial occasions. What was more common for boys so young is that they served the army in some supporting capacity. This would include being musicians, ostlers, messengers, kitchen hands, sutler’s assistants, shoeshine boys and foragers for food and fuel. Thousands served on both sides in such capacities. Others were enrolled in home guard units to free adults there for service at the front. Home front groups would provide protective guards, accommodation for convalescents, weave bandages, make blankets and homespun clothing, carry supplies to training camps and the front and also scour the land for lead and brass for conversion to ammunition. They were important for the war effort and those involved rightly saw themselves that way. Alexander’s brief statements which suggest normal home guard service neither exclude nor prove these other possibilities. 330 Hoar, Vol. III p1657. p1714 note. Find A Grave ‘William Wallace Alexander 1856-1954.’ 332 Death Certificate of William Wallace Alexander Unfortunately the faded handwriting does not reproduce well. 333 This idea was given in an e-mail which contained much census information about W.W. Alexander 23/8/2014. Sender Martha Cross Mordecai. 331 268 W.W. Alexander is the second man on the left, the only one with a beard. This is the 1944 reunion in Montgomery Alabama, the last to be held in that state. The man sitting in the center is Doctor Gwynne, the only Black veteran to attend. A third W.W. Alexander outside of Official Records may possibly be an uncle or a cousin, coming from neighbouring Union County. Name and locale would not be the only reason for confusion. William Wilson Alexander, (18391909) was in Company B of the 15th North Carolina Infantry from May 1861 until he surrendered at Appomattox.334 This W.W. Alexander also liked attending commemorative events, making it difficult to resolve which of them was where. This senior man was at the 1879 plans for a Confederate reunion in Union County.335 His name or possibly that of his namesake W.W. Alexander, then approaching fifty, was placed on the Tyrell monument in 1902.336 W.W. Alexander was among the surviving veterans listed in the May 1951 Virginia reunion program, but did not attend.337 By then he spent much of his life in a wheelchair. 334 The muster roll for Company B 15th North Carolina Infantry. Computerised version. Unsigned, “Plans For a Confederate Reunion in Union County 1879. In The Monroe Enquirer Saturday August 9th 1879. The roll for Company B 15TH North Carolina Infantry also mentions this. Computerised version. 336 Commemorative Landscapes of North Carolina. Tyrrell County Confederate Memorial Columbia. The website lists all the inscriptions and has photographs. http://docsouth.unc.edu/commland/monument/487/ 337 Mason p8. 335 269 He liked commemorative events, attending almost all between 1930 and 1948. He had every right to be there, being literally the son of a Confederate veteran, he was eligible to be a prominent member of ‘The Sons of Confederate Veterans.’ Many similar events were also organised by The United Daughters of the Confederacy. There was no fakery in attending events where so many attending were relatives of veterans who could remember the war without being in war zones. In a broader sense all Southerners experienced the war’s effects. No evidence has emerged of deliberate fraud from or about W.W. Alexander in this investigation. 338 Although the computerisation of North Carolina’s Confederate pensions remains incomplete and many of the records in South Carolina have been destroyed, from the evidence available he does not seem to have ever applied for a veteran’s pension and he had a respectable reputation. He also did not indulge in attention seeking behaviour or tall stories, so no apparent motive exists for false identity or false claims emerge. This at present, is the evidence for service. This photograph was taken at a 1945 reunion. Alexander is sitting among the most prominent people in the veteran’s organisations. Mercer Buck, only four years older, than Alexander, was a scout and an auxiliary, but he went on to become president of the U.C.V. Photo Courtesy of Jay S. Hoar 338 Hoar, Vol. III p1657n. 270 Some years after the war he became a housepainter and a sometime paper hanger. He married Susan Alderson in the later 1870s and after the birth of their first child, they went to live in York, South Carolina. This was almost certainly because his bride came from there. They had six children. Sometime between 1900 and 1910 they returned to Mecklenburg and the family lived a quiet life. Their marriage lasted over sixty years until his wife died in the late 1930s. Apparently the only unusual thing in Alexander’s life was his attendance at the veteran’s reunions. Being wheelchair bound in the late 1940s made attendance difficult, although he still managed to attend the 1949 Memphis veteran’s reunion where he did get some media coverage, but usually the publicity that came to the others in the early 1950s seemed to miss him. Even at the time of his death when only four other Confederates were believed to be left alive, his passing seemed little noticed. Perhaps he wanted it that way. * 271 Thomas Evan Riddle Result: possible. Despite all the confusion Riddle caused, the service of a Thomas Evans Riddle must be genuine - but is he the same man with that name who lived to be 107? Date of Birth: disputed: 1845 April 1846, 1847, 1848, 1853, 1858, April 1860, 1862, 1864 and 1868 are all stated. Date of Death: 2nd April 1954 Age at enlistment: disputed, probably fifteen or sixteen. Rank: private (claimed) Unit: confused, several possibilities emerge, but the 22nd Virginia Infantry (1st Kanawa Regiment) has him enlisted under his full name and he 272 claimed service in the 33rd Virginia Infantry. Transfer among units could be possible. Combat Experience: Plenty, both the 22nd and the 33rd Virginia were in heavy fighting. Service: in the infantry uncertain: 1861 to 1865 in one account, eighteen months in another and from early in the war till after Gettysburg in another. Evidence for service: He had a census reference from showing him to be born where and when he said he was with a birthdate in April 1846. That listing gave him an age creditable for war service. Seventy years later he correctly remembered within one letter the rank and details of the man who enlisted him, Captain W.P. Sampler of Company I 22nd Virginia. His name was actually William P. Samples. 339 This obscure piece of information was unlikely to be known unless he was there. His supposed lieutenant while named, remains unknown. While not using his exact full name except in one enlistment, that of the 22nd Virginia, several men called Thomas Riddle are recorded in units where he said he was enlisted. A Thomas Riddle also appears by name in an excerpt from an 1863 diary written by a soldier in his company in the 33rd Virginia. He may also possibly be the Confederate veteran identified in the 1913 reunion photo as Thomas E. Riddle. No other Thomas Evans Riddle appears in records to show that the man who served and the man who lived to 1954 are two different people, although that is possible. Another Thomas E. Riddle did serve the Confederacy. This man was Doctor Thomas Elam Riddle (1838-1934) He was a sergeant in the Texan Cavalry and had a traceable life. He was also originally from Tennessee but was a long term resident of Rockdale, Texas.340 A photograph shows some physical resemblance to Thomas Evans Riddle. Given their shared state of origin, they may have been related. Evidence against service: His own outrageously impossible stories, claims by descendants that he was too young to have been in the war, the opinion of the writer of his regimental history and some very contradictory censuses, genealogical charts, written facts, documents and his death certificate records are all strong negative evidence. 339 David Autry working from research by Margret Gilbreath. Our Family 2/8/2008. http:/Roots/web Project Our Family / The Last Civil War Vets. Our Family p2. 340 Find A Grave ‘Thomas Elam Riddle.’ 273 Riddle can only be the most curious case amongst those who lived into the 1950s or beyond. He has more evidence in his favour than several who are verified, but they do not have such strong evidence against their claim. Like Hard, Mayer, Woolson and Bush, he told tall stories, but he pushed them into the ridiculous and unlike the other three did not know when to stop and to start balancing those stories with real experiences. Like the others, in fact, like almost all of the twenty nine in this study, his birthdate remains uncertain and mixed in contradictions. Unlike most of the others, many of his supposed birthdates means that he was too young to have served in the war, even as a child soldier. Contradictory information from Riddle family sources and government agencies means that while his claims cannot be disproved, they block him from being verified. After reading the devastating assorted pieces that make up evidence against his service it seemed charitable to keep his status “as possible/confusing evidence.” All this negative evidence exists here for those who wish to follow it after I establishing why he stays listed as a possibility, but cannot go beyond that. The last paragraph summarises his importance. Not one document that is evidence for Civil War service comes from Riddle. The first primary source is the 1850 census where he is listed as being four years old, born in Blount, Tennessee in April 1846. The second find and its assessment is largely due to the efforts of John McClure of the Virginia Historical Society. After checking for Riddle in the Tennessee regiments where Riddle claimed to be first, and not finding him enlisted, I believed the account by descendants who had stated that although he said he enlisted with the Tennesseans there was no record of him there. They said the same about his enlistment on the 22nd Virginia muster roll, so who was the Thomas Riddle there and in the 33rd and the 53rd ? My double check with Mr McClure got a prompt response. He found a Thomas Evans Riddle was indeed mentioned, as enrolled in the 22nd Regiment Company I under his full name and 1846 was given there as his date of birth. However as Mr McClure pointed out, the author’s note to Riddle’s name stated that he probably did not serve there.341 Riddle’s full name did not show up in the 22nd Virginia’s computerised muster rolls used until then so this important clue was nearly missed. As subsequent pages show, the author of the note had a point about distrusting Riddle, but the fact remains - how many soldiers named Thomas Evans Riddle exist in the muster rolls? Only one has been found after a thorough investigation. 341 Terry D. Lowry, excerpt from his book. e-mail from John McClure 16th April 2014. 274 To remake the previously mentioned point from Part One about muster rolls once again, they do not contain full conclusive proof, are full of unacknowledged double entries for individuals and have omissions for both basic information and for individuals who served. Even so, this book shows them to be much more reliable than the American censuses. The 22nd Virginia served in the unsuccessful 1861 campaign to reclaim West Virginia where many of the regiment’s soldiers were from, although some were from Riddle’s home state of Tennessee. In early 1862 they moved towards the front, forming in North-East Virginia. Lowry states that Riddle claimed to have enlisted in the 33rd Virginia Infantry in 1863, a unit recruited mainly around Rockingham County. This regiment was part of the famed Stonewall Brigade. This meant it would be in all the war’s major eastern battles until Spotsylvania 1864, when it had taken so many casualties that it was merged into other units. While approximately 6,000 soldiers served in the brigade, only 210 surrendered at Appomattox; their reputation was so high that they led the last parade at the surrender.342 Riddle’s name was not among the unit’s names listed there. Riddle’s claimed service gains more credibility by the third piece of evidence. This was found by this writer as an entry in a serialised diary where nothing was made of it. His move from the 22nd to the 33rd, was perhaps to be with probable relatives James and Harrison Riddle. John B. Sheets, (also of Company I) kept a diary in which Riddle appears with Harrison. In February 1863 they were apparently absent without leave and returned to camp in chains. Riddle slipped out of the chains but returned voluntarily only to be locked up. Considering that Sheets records deserters being shot in this week Riddle was lucky to be alive.343 Sheets also records the aftermath of Gettysburg and the sheer dreariness of war. It is a long way from Riddle’s account of getting presents from his relative Robert E. Lee while they amiably chat on the Riddle family farm, being relatives and pals. The last piece of evidence is the 1913 Reunion photo, already mentioned and dealt with in detail on the section on Arnold Murray. THE RIDDLE IN THE MORASS If the writing here seems convoluted, pedantic and a morass, please reflect on 342 Patrick Hook & Steve Smith, The Stonewall Brigade in the Civil War. London: Zenith Press, 2008. p101 p123. 343 John B. Sheets, The Diary of John B. Sheets. Transcribed by Dale Harter, HRHS Archivist. Harrisonburg – Rockingham Historical Society. Volume 30. No1. p7 entry for Feb 26th 1863. 275 the way that I am investigating a man who managed to have nine different birth date years, be born in both Tennessee and Kentucky, have at least two military records and possibly more to come, had no fathers in his first census, had perhaps other parents in two sets and indulged to the full an outrageous and hilarious propensity for telling impossible stories. Even dead he confused to an impossible maximum, gaining two disagreeing death certificates and two disagreeing tombstones. Presumably some merciful archivist buried him under one of them, but after researching him, don’t count on it. LBJ (pictured here) got us into one wartime morass in Vietnam. Riddle (pictured here) got us into another wartime morass closer to home. Senator Lyndon Baines Johnson meets with Riddle in the 1950s. Ironically Johnson would be accused of getting voter’s names off tombstones. Riddle looks like an honest man here. Why couldn’t the aptly named Pleasant Crump have outlived the aptly named Riddle? Anybody else in the over one million serving in Confederate ranks should have lived longer. Riddle may have been the last living Confederate soldier, but he is also the most confusing. Even the Loudermilks or the censuses cause less confusion. My account initially followed what unbelieving relatives wrote on the website ‘Our Family.’ They stated that in 1931 Riddle tried to get a Confederate pension and to do so initially stated he was in the 12th Tennessee Infantry 276 which was soon merged, then he was in the 22nd Tennessee Infantry - and that enlistment still appears on some websites. As late as 1951 he claimed to have served in the 12th at Gettysburg.344 In 1931 the War Department could find nothing either. To that point I agreed with their sceptical outlook as I had checked and also found no reference to him there. Other Tennessee units were mentioned by Riddle, but then his descendants said he claimed confusion and to have served in Virginian units.345 He presented a memorandum that he said had been written up by his wife about twenty-five years before about his enlistment in the 22nd and said that he remembered he had served in the 33rd Virginia. By their account he got his enrolling captain’s surname right within one letter seventy years on, but the authorities of the 1930s did not know of his named lieutenant, Glarpie Sentendem.346 Nobody knew anything of that supposed officer back then and nobody does now. Professor Hoar’s doubts about the existence of Riddle’s place of enlistment, Verna, Virginia are borne out by an internet search.347 In 1932 Government workers then told him that they could find no record of him in the 22nd Virginia, but did find him listed in the 33rd Virginia, so he was granted his pension.348 A Thomas Riddle is listed there in Company I.349 If he was a faker after a pension, how did he know the enlisting Captain’s name and task? How did he know that there was indeed a Thomas Evans Riddle enlisted in the 22nd Virginia when initially the officials did not? Like the 22nd’s muster rolls, the memorandum has since tied in with the other evidence that does not come from him. In his 22nd Virginia Infantry Terry D. Lowry writes that Riddle claimed to be in various Tennessee units, but finally settled on the 22nd Virginia, but this claim was probably not so.350 Lowry does however state that the Thomas Evans Riddle was born on April 16th 1846 near Nashville, and so links him to the man who died in 1954 and he gives us Riddle’s dubious claim of enlisting in 1863 and serving to the war’s end.351 He does not show up on the Appomattox Parole 344 Associated Press, May 1951 Story Our Family p2. 346 Hoar, Affidavit of Thomas Riddle of Feb.24th reduced in part Vol. III p1711. 347 Hoar, Vol. III p1711; My search for Verna, Virginia went on long after anything remotely possible was coming up. It was a wild goose chase. 348 Our Family. 349 Official Records http://www. Nps. Gov/civil war/search – soldiers.html?submitted+1&SDfName+Thomas+&S; John W. Wayland, Muster Rolls of Confederate Soldiers. This is a developed excerpt from his History of Rockingham County. 350 Excerpt sent by John McClure, e-mail 16th April 2014. Unfortunately Lowry’s history is now out of print and the last copy traceable apparently sold for $1000 recently. 351 Ibid. 345 277 list. Ancestry .com does list him in the 22nd Virginia, Company I, but the Official Records does not, but does list him in the 33rd Company I. There was another (?) private, Thomas E. Riddle, who also turned out to be Thomas C. Riddle served in Company I 53rd Virginia Infantry. Like the 33rd, this unit was at Gettysburg and the company identifying letter is the same with numbers easily confused, so perhaps he finally ended up here –or perhaps there were three Thomas Riddles in the Army of Northern Virginia. His potential enrolments look like this: 12th Tennessee Infantry (merged) (claimed without evidence) 22nd Tennessee Infantry (unlisted) (claimed without evidence) Other Tennessee Units (unknown) (claimed without evidence) Company I 22nd Virginia Infantry (possible) Company I of the 33rd Virginia Regiment (proven for a Thomas Evans Riddle on muster roll evidence) Company I 53rd Virginia Infantry (unlikely. The Thomas Riddle here seems to be someone else) The writers of “Our Family” faced with all this and without the evidence we now have, were quite right then to be sceptical about Riddle’s military life, but the census morass gets Riddle’s descendants and genealogists saying there is “no way” that Thomas Evans Riddle could have served in the Civil War. This sounds a bit too certain, but while much of the evidence appears muddled, ambiguous, contradictory and uncertain, enough remains to cause even the most ardent defender serious doubts about Riddle’s claims. The morass caused by army rolls appears difficult to beat, but the birthdate documents for Riddle manage to be worse. It is important to remember that not one of these birthdates has been backed by reference to a birth certificate. No birth certificate, baptismal record or date of birth from a marriage licence can be found on a computer website for Thomas Evans Riddle to the best of my knowledge. The source of evidence, the censuses and his death certificates are full of multiple contradictions, ambiguities and uncertainties, are often incomplete and are difficult to decipher. Even some among those working with the Riddle records frequently admit to these factors. 278 If the genealogists and the census takers had stuck with one date within the range this would have made for a stronger case, either for credibility or disbelief, but all this confusion does is to lower the credibility of the census records. He was born again and again and again and again and again and again and again and again and again if we believe censuses. I am not joking: we are offered nine birth dates. How can anyone take such evidence seriously? Some researchers write that they have found original documents that prove that he was born on April 16th 1846.352 Perhaps this refers to the 1850 census, but could be something else. This census clearly shows a Thomas (no middle name) Riddle was born in Blount, Blount County Tennessee, when and where he said he born. His father’s name is not shown and the head of the household is Lucy Riddle, aged forty. While it is possible she is an older sister or half-sister, the age range of over thirty-five years for the listed siblings make this unlikely. She is more likely to be an aunt or their mother. A Thomas Riddle did marry a Lucy Johnston in Virginia in June 1821, but a marriage to a bride of about eleven? Good as this evidence is for Riddle, it shows him as perhaps wrong about his supposed mother’s name at least – surely something people never forget. This census birth year would go into many documents, but not Thomas and Lucy as his parents.353 He never named them as such, perhaps because they were not his parents. Oddly a fraud with half a brain would have stuck to the same parent as is named on the census, not name people as parents who were not on it, but did he see the document or just know of it? The census document does make him the right age for soldiering. While men called Thomas Riddle abound in the censuses after 1850 and in Civil War records, only one Thomas Evans Riddle shows up in censuses, death certificates and pensions – the man who died in Houston in 1954. This census also lists two men with what some descendants claim was his father’s name, Elias. The first, born in 1805, married twenty years later, the other was born in 1834. The family tree claims the younger Elias as his father. 354 Put together in 2013, it does seem to rely on the 1954 death certificate and census data as it reproduces the 1870 and 1880 censuses. These give a Thomas Riddle (no middle name) contradictory ages of ten in the first and eighteen in Judith McGuiness, “Riddle Wrapped in an Enigma: Civil War Veteran Buried in Burknett Cemetery Lived Extraordinary Life’ Times Record News. Wichita Falls, Texas. August 16th 2008. http://www. Times record news.com/news aug16/riddle-wrapped-enigma/? Print 1. McGuiness does say that these 1840s documents “supposedly attest” to Riddle’s birth. Lowry also accepts this birthdate, see Citation 107. 353 Texas Death Certificates 1890-1976. Texas Confederate Home for Men. Austin. Family History and Message Board. p4. 354 Jane Stewart, Ancestry ® Official Site 352 279 the second. This site does reproduce all the usual dates, so Thomas Evans Riddle lives from 1858 to 1954. However it also seemingly lists Elias and Mahala (Mahalia elsewhere in censuses) as his parents and they are listed as being born in 1834 (Mahalia about 1835 elsewhere in censuses) and then list Thomas Evans Riddle’s marriages and children accurately. Elias married in 1852, but after being widowed he married his sister in law in 1868. While the usual census birthdate confusion appears there, the 1870 census does list Thomas as a child of Elias and Mahalia and in 1880 TER is listed with the widowed Mahalia’s children. This cannot be a mistake. What is clear is that the man born in 1846 could not be the child of parents born in 1834, nor did he claim these parents, although the wives and children shown on the genealogical tree agree with one of the death certificates. This comes close to what another family tree shows; but this gives his birth year as 1860. This difference in birthdates between 1858 and 1860 might be explained by the census last birthday rule. The death certificate issued by the State of Texas in 1954 also accepts this 1846 date, but another document in the same collection from Wichita Falls records a birthdate of 1858 with the names of Elias and Mahalia as different parents to those on the first death certificate!355 If this is not confusing enough, both sets of the parent’s names have an assonance joined in gender, yet they might be different. On one death certificate Lyles Riddle and Hailey Brown were stated as being the parents of the Thomas Evans Riddle born in 1846 in Blount, Blount County. While several Americans named Lyle Riddle show up in the antebellum south, not one Lyles Riddle does and no Hailey Brown is shown married to a Riddle. The same maiden name would be a certain giveaway were it not so common. Both documents are talking about the same man as both give the same death date of April 2nd 1954. After nine birthdates and three sets of possible parents, he would manage two divergent death certificates, each one containing contradictions. Both also list his children. With one Cora B. Riddle, they list her father Thomas as born “Apr 1860 TN in Grayson County. 1900.” These same documents state that Thomas Evans Riddle was born in Kentucky in 1868 and was living with his daughter Cora, whom they name correctly.356 One descendant posted an initially devastating blog about Riddle’s birthdate, quoting the 1860 census document that gave Riddle’s birth year as 1853. They are not certain that his father was Elias and in one brief article they 355 356 Ibid, This does mean one entry down. Ibid, This is on the bottom of page and the top of the next. 280 also produce different birthdates from the 1860 census for Thomas Riddle, April 11th 1858 and 1853.357 They also apparently do not know about the 1850 census document, although they do know of his claim to being born in 1846. That evidence is independent from Riddle’s say so and comes from the time. To worsen the confusion other Texans named Thomas E. Riddle appear in the census records and are of the same vintage. The 1920 census gives a birthdate of about 1864 for one Texan Thomas E. Riddle and “about 1847” for another, but the wife’s name is different, so neither may be Thomas Evans Riddle! Yet another Confederate Riddle from Tennessee, resident in Texas at the time was Doctor Thomas Elam Riddle (1838-1934) who had a wife supposedly named California in some censuses, but then she - or a later wife, is named Virginia next time the census taker called! To keep a belief in census reliability we must believe this Riddle not only had a penchant for changing his birth year, but he also had a penchant for wives named after American states! Or to maintain a belief in the marvellous and inviolate reliability of American censuses, would the believers in censuses have us consider that a Riddle persuaded his wife (or wives) to change their names to suit some eccentric marital taste involving states’ rights? Back in the 1950s somebody apparently just compiled documents relating to Thomas E. Riddle in a file without trying to make sense of them. They probably wanted to stay sane. What Riddle, (like Loudermilk and Murray) unintentionally does prove without a doubt is the ridiculous ways and general unreliability of censuses. Stronger evidence against Riddle comes from Riddle himself. The 1910 census lists Thomas E. Riddle in Clay County Texas and correctly lists his five children and place of birth. It gives his age as 48 and his estimated birth year as 1862. This matches the age of eighteen on the 1880 census record, even if they disagree with all the other documents. The column asking for yes or no for Civil War service stays blank. In the 1930 census in the column concerning military service Riddle has written “no” and left the involvement in conflicts column blank. The recently discovered May 1913 Chattanooga United Confederate Veterans reunion group photograph could be good evidence for Riddle. Writing on the back gives several names, but the Thomas E. Riddle of Texas identified here looks more like the Doctor Thomas Elam Riddle, he served in the Texan Cavalry. A portrait and his details are available under his name in a Find a 357 Our Family. Previous Citation. 281 Grave entry. However enough of a similarity in face and build exists so that Thomas Evans Riddle cannot be discounted or is this the other Texan, Thomas E. Riddle? If any record of Thomas Evans Riddle being born at any other date exists it should be computerised. Perhaps Lucy Riddle on the 1846 census was not his mother. Were it not for the censuses and the information about Elias and Mahalia with Thomas listed as their child, Riddle would be listed as a probable Civil War veteran and the last fighting man, but they do exist and in some detail, and so unless he was born in one of the other claimed years before 1853, he cannot be both their child and a Civil War veteran. Pleasant Crump, Thomas E. Riddle,(?) Renes Lee, Unknown, Unknown, Arnold Murray Riddle did not need bureaucracies, family members or anybody else to lower his credibility. His tall stories included knowing the James Brothers and knowing that Jesse was not shot dead in 1882 but with Frank, took on a secret identity near Riddle’s home.358 His Civil War anecdotes include being given a birthday gift of a pistol by Robert E. Lee while the general and his army camped out on the Riddle’s Tennessee farm – not that Lee ever really took his army into Tennessee.359 Riddle also claimed that before enlisting he “worked as a stone and brick mason around General Rob Lee’s camp.”360 Other tall ones were being oblivious to five bullets in the side until a General told him, being related 358 McGinnis, quoting Riddle, p2. Ibid. 360 Hoar, Vol. III p1712 quoting Riddle. 359 282 to Robert E. Lee and about burying Gettysburg’s fatalities, all thirteen of them! 361 Thomas Riddle lived in the Houston Veteran’s home from January 1950 onwards Among his other acquaintances were Lincoln, whom Riddle “knew until he died” surely a unique claim for one supposedly serving in the Stonewall Brigade!362 Was he just joshing his visitors and merely wanted to stir them up and get some laughs? Or were these stories to cover the horrors of war and his less McGuiness p2; Unsigned article, “86 Years After Civil War Only 19 Veterans Remain.” Denver Post 19th June 1951. n.p. This article seems to be an updated version of the May 1951 Associated Press Article Ancestry.com Thomas Evans Riddle Collection. See also Hoar Vol. III p1712. 362 Ibid, This one made the New York Times on April 3rd 1954. 361 283 than glorious attempt to escape from it? Or were they a way of communicating that his whole claim was all bull? Only Riddle really knew the answers. He certainly was a colourful character who loved to spin stories for guests as he spent his last years as the last Confederate in a Houston veteran’s home. His large room was decorated with a battle flag and a portrait of Lee. He died on April 2nd 1954, just days before what was perhaps his 108th birthday. Riddle needs more research, especially reliable information about his wartime service. Getting evidence for who his parents were will be crucial. The perhaps parents born in 1834 cannot be discounted without evidence. Much of the evidence that goes against his claims comes from him. He was perhaps the last Civil War combatant. Four pieces of strong evidence do indicate that. The 1850 census record, Sheets diary, the 33rd enrolment and knowing of the enrolling officer are all strong evidence. Thomas Riddle being in the 22rd Virginia backs this. The 1913 photo remains possibly strong evidence. No other Thomas Evans Riddle has ever been revealed to explain these obviously genuine references away. Maybe one will turn up. Were it not for the censuses, the death certificates, the family trees and his stories this would be ample to verify him. He has internet supporters, but no historian can be definite about believing him. Most rightly mix caution and curiosity and at this point, he can only be listed as a strong, controversial and important possibility. * 284 Even in death there are two of them, ensuring that the controversy stays written in stone, the disagreement going on into eternity. * 285 Hattie Cook Carter Result: possible/probable. Date of Birth: uncertain: 1834 to early 1836. Date of Death: 9th January 1956. Age at enlistment: uncertain, probably in her later twenties to early thirties. There may be no official enlistment, although she almost certainly served. Rank: nurse and paramilitary. Unit: she does not seem to have a designated unit. Service: nursing, cooking and paramilitary field work. Combat Experience: uncertain. She probably came under fire but did not shoot back. Length of service: 1861-1865. At this stage very little is apparently known about Hattie Cook Carter, although she may have been the last surviving person to have served the Confederate cause and was at the least, very probably among the final four. What has already been mentioned in the section on Sarah Rockwell about the paucity of primary source material concerning Richmond’s medical workers also applies even more strongly to Hattie Cook Carter. What facts do emerge comes from two sources. The first is a brief Richmond obituary preserved among a computerised list of facts for the day January 11th 1956. A more extensive account of her life can be found in in Professor Jay S. Hoar’s The South’s Last Boys in Gray (pp1715-1716) Volume III of his trilogy. She was born a slave and during the Civil War worked at many tasks around Richmond, where she lived. Professor Hoar describes her as staunchly Confederate. During the sieges of Richmond and Petersburg she was involved in carrying food and ammunition to the front lines. Sniping, artillery barrages and sudden enemy offensives made this obviously dangerous work. More 286 insidiously the trenches and hospitals were incubation centres for the deadly diseases that killed more than the battles: nurses were known to die from infections caught during their work. She was also working at washing, bedding and clothing and serving meals at Richmond’s Chimborazo Hospital, the world’s largest military hospital, at that time. One of her odder tasks was looking after two white children abandoned by their parents. She was among thousands of Black women, North and South, who had a large part in Civil War nursing. Her account matches what was written in the section on Sarah Rockwell: Blacks, slaves and the poor had the worst jobs in nursing. A search through recently computerised files did not reveal her name, but unpaid workers and slaves were apparently not recorded; even for those who were paid the files are incomplete. According to the newspaper clipping her husband of sixty years was a Confederate soldier, but this can only be unlikely and confusing her two marriages. This may be a reference to her first husband, believed to have the surname Cook. One of her children, Fred Cook was born in 1869-1870. His age of eighty in 1950 tends to confirm hers. At the very least, having a child born in 1869 or 1870 means that Hattie Cook Carter was born no later than 1855/1856, old enough for her wartime stories to be true as there were ten year old nurses. Her lack of documentation and professed age of 120 years or more must cause doubt: the oldest woman in the world with undisputed proof lived to 122: only a handful who have any creditability have lived beyond 120 but only one has achieved this by the rules of accepted proof from the decider, The Guinness Book of Records. Their accepted evidence being birth certificates and census records - which few slaves had. Sometime after the war, she remarried a former Union soldier John Carter. They moved north to his hometown in the town of Freedom Pennsylvania. She lived there the rest of her life, often telling relatives stories of her time in the war and enjoying good health until her final week. In terms of the creditability of her accounts Hattie Cook Carter should rate highly. Her prosaic stories of wartime service did not gain her money, benefits or attention. They were told to her family: what gain could stories of serving the Confederacy bring to a Black woman living in a Northern state? Like her wartime record, her age cannot be proved or disproved without more evidence. Unlike Sarah Rockwell, she did not have a life traceable through documents, family links and photographs. These would have been at best rare for someone who lived her first three decades as a slave and her next in the 287 devastation of war and reconstruction. Given the lack of documentation for people doing the types of work she did, verification remains unlikely. A working woman’s clothes from the 1860s: once hospital staff were organised nurses into units they would have worn clothes very similar to this recreation. 288 “Aftermath” by Martin Pate. One common task for medical staff was to search battlefields for those who were badly wounded or unconscious. It is likely that as a paramilitary close to the front lines Hattie Carter Cook took part in such tasks. Freed Blacks stand amidst Richmond’s ruins, a colourised image. 289 Technology changes our concepts. Frequently used as an image of antebellum slavery, the colourised and uncropped image shows a young man in what is almost certainly a Union blue soldier’s jacket and cap. The man on the left wears what looks like a Confederate cap. Were they once enemy soldiers now reconciled or do we note that they are seated far apart and perceive this as an uneasy tolerance or hostility? Or were they civilian friends who had just found different stacks of discarded army clothes? This is the more likely probability as these people are escaped slaves, photographed behind Union lines in Virginia in 1862, so they are unlikely to have fought in the war, but may have been auxiliaries. 290 Albert Woolson Result: his service record is accepted√ Date of Birth: disputed. February 11th 1847 is generally accepted, but 1848 or 1850 have also been claimed, probably incorrectly. Date of Death: 2nd August 1956. Age at enlistment: disputed, but probably seventeen. Rank: private. 291 Unit: 1st Minnesota Heavy Artillery. Service: bugler and drummer. Combat Experience: none. Length of service: October 1864 to October 1865. Since the early 1960s most commentators credit Albert Woolson with being the last certain Civil War survivor. In his last years he was honoured for his work in veteran’s affairs and for being the last Union veteran. However as William A. Lundy, John Salling and Walter Williams outlived him and had credibility as Civil War veterans for years after he died, he was not honoured as the last Civil War veteran until decades after his death. Even now many (including this writer) do not believe that to be a certainty. Two good accounts of his life are by Serrano and Hoar. Professor Hoar did this in his fifteen page segment in The North’s Last Boys in Blue Volume II. In his notes to Last of the Blue and the Gray Richard A. Serrano lists several reliable sources for Woolson’s service record and tells his story.363 Like James Albert Hard, Woolson was born in upstate New York. The Woolson’s moved to Minnesota between the late 1850s and 1861. Just before leaving New York State Woolson could recall going to a meeting with his father to hear Abraham Lincoln.364 In Minnesota the Woolsons were so close to the Sioux uprising of 1862 that he could see their destructive fires. His father was an early volunteer for the Union but was badly injured, either in a riverboat accident or in battle at Shiloh. After a leg amputation he was invalided out of service.365 When Lincoln called for 1500 volunteers from Minnesota for garrison duty in Tennessee Woolson volunteered.366 Woolson felt that he should take his father’s place and enlisted in October 1864, serving for a year on garrison duty at Chattanooga. He had enlisted hoping to serve as an infantryman, developing his shooting skills, so as to become one, but because of his age he was made a musician, enlisting in the band of a Minnesota Artillery unit where he played drums and the bugle. Music was a love that never left him. 363 Serrano, pp199-200. Hoar, Vol. II p891. Woolson quoted. 365 Serrano mentions the riverboat accident version p46; Rebecca Beatrice Brooks mentions the Shiloh version. ‘Albert Woolson : The Last Civil War Veteran’ Civil War Saga: A Blog about the Civil War. Posted Dec.13th 2011. Civilwarsaga.com/child-soldiers –in-the-civilwar.p1; Hoar mentions the battle of Corinth. Vol. II p891. 366 Hoar, Vol. II p893. Woolson’s 1949 recollections are quoted. 364 292 Later in life he concluded that there was no glory in that war as they were brothers fighting each other.367 Although he never fought, he could recall playing taps for the dead. He had a few odd and tall stories to tell, such as being in a group of privates served lemonade by General Thomas, commander of the Army of the Cumberland. That one could be true, but being at Ford’s Theatre Washington, a week before Lincoln’s shooting, accompanied by his father, this certainly cannot be as Woolson was serving at Chattanooga. This is misremembering, not lying, as he said he was nine at the time.368 Clearly this cannot be either possible or a deliberate attempt to delude. After military service he returned home in October 1865 to find his father dying. Soon after he began a career as a wood turner and pattern designer in a furniture factory and stayed there sixteen years. At the same time he began playing instruments in a band. He married Fannie Belle Rye in 1868 and they had ten children. After her death in 1901 he spent three years away in Michigan logging camps and then married again in 1904, having four daughters from his second marriage. 367 368 Woolson is quoted by Brooks, ‘Albert Woolson: The Last Civil War Veteran’ p2. Ibid; Serrano p121. 293 Woolson celebrating a birthday. This original photo is the gift of Jay S. Hoar. He worked at several different places, usually in manufacturing and engineering. In old age he lived in Duluth and became involved in veteran’s affairs. He enjoyed being a celebrity, but did not go into the extreme behaviour some other aged veterans indulged in, although sometimes he told tall tales on radio shows. He would obligingly sign autographs and often answered his fan mail, although not for all those letters that arrived on his 106th birthday- over eight thousand of them!369 As an invited guest he talked to schoolchildren, often about the virtues of thrift, often about the war. One wonders if one of those Duluth school children was Bob Dylan. As late as 1955 his health was so good that he was still shovelling snow, but in May 1956 with his health deteriorating he was hospitalised. He went into a coma in late July and died a few days later. His death was worldwide news and his funeral was massive. His life, except for its length, and the fact that he was the last survivor of such a great event was so ordinary, but in that ordinariness it had much about it 369 Hoar, Vol II Photographic evidence and caption p892. 294 that typified the best in the common American - and their virtues of selfsacrifice, stoicism, good humour, thrift, hard work, loyalty and modesty. He seems to have been mourned as much for his likeable personality as for his status as the last living link to Lincoln’s cause. Woolson’s love of music and children combine in these photos from his old age. The girl is his granddaughter Frances Anne Kobus, aged four. 295 Woolson’s funeral: Nearly three thousand people lined the streets or took part. He was buried with full military honours. President Eisenhower, Chief of Staff General Maxwell Taylor and many other prominent Americans made official statements. Across America days of mourning and flags at half-mast marked his death. Several weeks after his death a memorial was unveiled for him at Gettysburg. Another would be set up in Duluth. 296 297 The memorial to Albert Woolson, two views 298 The Duluth Monument: the meek do inherit the earth. The photo below shows part of the same monument that can be seen below left. 299 Louis Nicholas Baker Result: his service record cannot be authenticated. This account is based on Serrano’s in Last of the blue and the Gray. Baker is also briefly mentioned in Hoar’s Volume II on page 1001 When Albert Woolson died in August 1956 the townspeople of Guthrie Oklahoma heard that one of their senior citizens was suddenly claiming to be the last Union Civil War veteran. He was Louis Nicholas Baker and he supplied many details. His name came close to that of Louis I. Baker, a proven veteran and perhaps a relative who may have told him stories in youth which he recalled in old age. Louis Nicholas Baker had given unusual personal and military details of service very similar to those of Louis I. Baker – but these were the details of a man who died in 1909. There were too many coinciding odd facts in the records for there to be two different men with the same record, but they could not have been the same man. In 1956 Louis Nicholas Baker also claimed to be 103, while Louis I. Baker, long dead, would have been 124. Louis Nicholas Baker died on 17th January 1957. * 300 Maud Nicholls Jones (legendary) aka Maude Martin Result: garbled legends/ impossible unless a namesake exists. Date of Birth: 1848 in the legend, but documentation makes that date impossible. She was probably born years after the Civil War ended. Date of Death: May 1957 in reality. According to a false aspect in the legend she lived until 1962. Age at enlistment: not enlisted. Rank: none. Unit: in the legend medical services and an apothecary’s store. Service: in the legend preparing and delivering medicine? Combat Experience: none in the legend/ non-existent. Length of service: non-existent. Evidence from her husband’s 1930s Confederate veteran’s pension application, her 1941 widow’s pension application and Gilchrist County Birth Certificates reveals the reality behind a legend that supports some aspects of what is claimed in the legend, albeit only in a vague way that precludes her being involved in the Civil War. Before examining the reality the legend should be told: it is a worthwhile exercise in how stories grow and get garbled and distorted in the process. The Legend: Maud Nicholls Jones was married to Burton Jones, a Confederate soldier who ran an apothecary’s shop for the soldiery at Fort Christmas. This fort still exists as a rebuilt museum and is located a few miles inland from Florida’s east coast on the way to Orlando. It was built in 1837, one of many constructed during the Seminole Wars and then abandoned afterwards. The Confederates supposedly adapted it and according to legend Maud Nicholls Jones sometimes travelled with her husband when he did his rounds in his apothecary wagon, a virtual mobile shop which supplied vital medical supplies and cures. His route was along the Saint John’s River to Sanford, Fort Mellon and back to Fort Christmas. His wife was sometimes working as a nurse on these trips. She died near Fort Christmas in 1962 aged 114 years. So goes the legend. 301 Professor Hoar in Volume II summarises it as such and then comments that no evidence was found, only hearsay.370 Despite several attempts at verification he sees it is probably a stretching of the truth. Two Confederate soldiers named Burton Jones do appear, a Tennessean and a South Carolinian, but they are not in Florida units or anywhere nearby. So far even the existence of Fort Christmas as a functioning Confederate military installation remains at best, unlikely. Historians and curators there communicate that the fort had been abandoned in 1837 and that there was little of it left in 1862. They mention that few people were in the area during the Civil War, not even enough for a proper town with an apothecary’s shop. Garrisons around the area were unlikely. Those Confederates in the area were involved in herding cattle north. Travel in the area was more likely to be by boat than wagon. In addition to giving this information the staff at the Fort Christmas museum had never heard of Maud Nicholls Jones.371 Investigating tombstones in old nearby cemeteries and requests for information from local papers and bureaucracies revealed no knowledge of such a person. Checking the Florida pensions records revealed that Maud Jones did indeed exist, albeit with several differences to the legend. She lived until May 1957, not 1962. No husband named Burton Jones emerges, Fort Christmas was not nearby and instead of the wagon we have a ferry and a future husband who did support the Confederacy on the home front in Florida. The Gilchrist County Site has a list of birth certificates which contains information about Maud, her husband and their two children. Florida Memory State Library & Archives of Florida contains the state’s Confederate Pensions Records. This section has an eight page file on Maud Jones and her husband George Asberry Chappell Martin and that file will open on entering her name. The information includes the husband’s attempts to get the pension, sworn statements of those who witnessed his Civil War actions, a sworn statement about their marriage, the granting of the pension, a July 1941 application for a Florida Widow’s Pension and letters concerning Maud’s death and her bequests. What follows next is a summary of those sources. In the last two years of the war G.A.C. Martin aged around sixteen, operated a ferry on the Suwannee River, near Fayetteville. He was sometimes helped by his brother Robert. Although he was technically in the Home Guard and came under officer’s orders, he was exempt from active service. He aided the army by transporting 370 Hoar, Vol. II p996 p998. Also repeated in a personal phone call early 2015. Cheryl Wasserman, e-mail ‘Fort Christmas’ 3 September 2014. All the information on Fort Christmas is contained in this e-mail. 371 302 their troops and cavalry. He was also well thought of by the locals as he aided them in ways not specified, apart from free ferry rides and “being an aid to the wifes of soldiers” (sic). This could have meant delivering medical supplies as in the legend. His service was attested to not by Maud, but by other women who had known him since childhood. No mention of Maud appears in these accounts. She was originally from Fayetteville North Carolina, so with the two towns having the same name, somebody may have assumed she was part of her future husband’s Civil War activities. She only took up residence in Florida in 1893.372 They were married in 1897 and she gave her maiden name as Jones. She lived sixty years beyond her marriage, so she was probably quite old when she died in May 1957. No mention is made of her age, but she could not have even been born before the Civil War, as her last child was born in 1916.373 The basis of the legend is that her husband worked in Florida transport for the Confederacy and was supplying some form of aid to local people are both true… but the rest? Is must be impossible that this woman was married to Burton Jones and rode around in a wagon near Fort Christmas during the Civil War, doing what the legend described. Maud Jones’s wartime activities can only be possible if a namesake with very different documentation turns up. * Entry ‘Maude Jones. Florida Memory State Library & Archives of Florida. The application is available in both original form and a verbatim transcript. 373 The Official FLGenWEB. Gilchrist County GenWeb. Delayed Birth Certificates. Transcribed by Myrtice Scarborozi. 372 303 William Allen Lundy Result: some of the first sections of his claimed service record sounds possible, but other sections remain extremely dubious and unlikely. Date of Birth: disputed. January or April 1848, 1853 and May 1860. Date of Death: 1st September 1957. Age at enlistment: he claimed fourteen. Rank: private. Unit: Two units were claimed by Lundy for his service ‘The Coffee County Guards’ and ‘Brown’s Company D 4th Alabama Cavalry.’ Service: (claimed) home guard and cavalry. Combat Experience: he said there was none. Length of service: March 1864 to May 1865 - if the statements are true. Evidence for his war record apart from his account: He knew some details about the units he claimed to have served in. He knew the last name of an officer in one of the units and did not tell tall tales. His account of what he did sounds very believable. The point about not being on the muster rolls is explainable with the home guards; they were written up before he said he joined in 1864 and going by the dates added to by those already enlisted, little was 304 added to the rolls after New Year’s Day 1864. Two men signed affidavits that he served.374 He gave very detailed information about his birth and his units. Obviously this makes tracing easy, so a fraud is unlikely to do this. Professor Hoar states that Florida’s Home Guard had hundreds of youngsters in their ranks as replacements for adults who could join and gives examples.375 Lundy’s age in itself for this type of service is not the problem. Evidence Against: The earlier census rolls show that he was too young, but do they refer to the right person? He said that his original surname was spelled Lunday, but he changed it because his school teacher was always at him to spell it correctly. Anybody called Lunday in Alabama or Florida at this time does not turn up on census documents. He stated exactly where he served, but in both of those units where he said he was, no record of himself or the two men who swore that he was there with them exists. He did not affirm Civil war service to either the 1910 or 1930 census questions.376 William “Uncle Bill” Lundy, who died in September 1957, was credited for years as the third last Confederate survivor: now in several different accounts he gets the label of fraud. Birth and census records reveal that he gave different birthdates. The earliest was 18th January 1848; others were in 1853 and May 1860.377 The same source that gives this information states he never claimed to be born in 1848 until he applied for the Confederate pension in the 1930s and the census records bear this out. He had trouble getting that pension. His claimed service in the Coffee County Guards was for spending most of his time guarding the never attacked courthouse. He called one unit he supposedly served in “Brown’s Company D 4th Alabama Cavalry” but Brown was not there, it was just Company D. Lundy claimed that he came close to fighting near the war’s end at Selma and expressed regret for not killing a Yankee, but he obeyed an officer’s orders who told him not to shoot.378 Lundy’s description of this reads oddly, as if he 374 The account of Lundy closely follows Serrano pp126-133; Brian Hughes Previous Citation; Official Records; William Lundy U-Tube; Hoar, Vol. III pp1717-1720 and Janet Steadham, Civil War Pension APP. ‘William Allen Lundy’ Okaloosa Co. Florida. This totals nineteen pages of correspondence between the bureaucracies, Lundy and involved people. It starts in 1931 and continues to 1965. http://files.usgwarchives.net/fl/okaloosa/military/pensions/15300001.txt. 375 Hoar, Vol. III. p1610. 376 Serrano, p132. A check in the censuses by this writer bears this out. 377 Serrano p132; Checking census records also bears this out. 378 Serrano, p128 p129. 305 never reflected perceptively on why his officer would order him to do this, but still found it puzzling. It seems a story told by a man who knows less than he Lundy on his 1955 tour of a jet base. From a youth of hunting deer with a musket in wilderness to Cold War firepower in old age. His comment while here was to delight in the possibilities if Lee had been given jets. tells, which gives it a sense of veracity. Did the officer want to stop young Lundy from becoming a killer? Or to stop Lundy getting himself killed in retaliation? Or to save the life of a Union soldier now that the war was almost over? This incident sounds real, and his absence from one roll can be explained, but the traceable evidence remains murky and the censuses, muster rolls and birth claims must raise strong suspicions. The 1930s officials who checked the records he mentioned tried to be helpful with what must have been an extensive search. They came to the conclusion he was not listed anywhere in any Confederate unit designated by a 306 4th or a Company D.379 Checks for this book also reveal him as unlisted in the muster rolls of any likely unit. These include the Coffee County Guards, Captain J.C Brown’s Coffee County Volunteers, Company D of Roddy’s 4th Alabama Cavalry, Lowes 4th Alabama Cavalry Battalion, or Russell’s 4th Alabama Cavalry. These rolls are not always strong proof. The Coffee County muster rolls were made up before Lundy said he joined. There was also the problem of quarterly enlistments. If Lundy joined the 4th in late 1864 or early 1865 the war could have ended before he officially signed up. Captain Brown did exist in Lundy’s area and in command of the militia as Lundy stated, but Brown did not go with the unit to serve with the regular army as Lundy also stated. Two Alabama militia units were commanded by Captains named Brown, one in Talladega County (Brown’s Talladega County Reserves) and the other in Coffee County. The witnesses and supposed fellow soldiers John Q. Adams and Henry M. Mason, are not on that roll. Given the prominence of Captain Brown in the militia unit, the unit’s name change and the dating of the rolls, Lundy now starts to gain some creditability, albeit with considerable caution, but that credibility soon reaches limits. The roll he should be on is Roddy’s 4th Alabama Cavalry in Company D. This was added to in September 1864 and contains many details, but he is not listed anywhere in this regiment when he said he was there.380 It was written up seven months before the surrender so the quarterly waiting period possibility does not apply. What applies to him applies to his comrades and witnesses to his service, none of them were where they swore they were. Three different enlistments for men or a man named John Q. Adams appear in other Alabama units, but Henry M. Mason does not appear in any Confederate unit. Given the frequently scrappy nature of Confederate rolls some allowance could be made. However if one man was off one roll credibility could be offered for reasons, but three men being off both rolls? However one thing here does support Lundy; Company D is listed as a new replacement unit. It was formed as a militia in 1860 as the Coffee County Volunteers and renamed Captain John 379 Steadman quoting a letter by James F. McKinley, Major General and Adjutant General for the War Department, October 23rd 1933. p7. 380 George B. Wright, Roddey’s Fourth Alabama Cavalry Confederate States of America. 1987. www.geocities.ws/coh41roddey4thalcav.html. This is compiled from records in the National Archives. Another version was used for a second checking Roddey’s 4th Alabama Cavalry. This also contained the Rolls for Russell’s and Lowe’s units. Northwest Alabama Genealogy webpage. 307 Uncle Bill Lundy Brown’s Company Barbiere’s Battalion of Alabama Cavalry.381 A hint exists in one of Lundy’s depositions that this could have become part of the 4th Alabama when he describes it as “Company D. Coffee County Regiment Alabama 4th Cavalry.” 382 One of Lundy’s witnesses called it “Brown’s Regiment.” 383 However Brown had bought his way out with a substitute in September 1863 and so does not appear on any new roll.384 It is interesting to note that his witnesses Mason and Adams give different names to Lundy’s supposed unit, He is right about where the 4 th Alabama regiment ended up at the war’s end and knowing about a local Captain named Brown, but the census birthdates, no avowed Confederate service and the non-existence of himself and his witnesses on Roddy’s rolls or anywhere else likely are strong evidence against him. Official Records show eighteen men named William Lundy served the Confederacy. One was in the 41st Alabama Infantry, but that regiment served in Virginia, as did a South Carolina Regiment that had a William A. Lundy on its roll. His finest moments came after his second marriage. He became a successful farmer and parent. He joked about his wives’ maiden names that “Ah 381 Dennis Partridge, Alabama Civil War Rosters Access Genealogy. A Free Genealogy Resource. www.acess genealogy.com 382 Steadman, Lundy’s March 1931 deposition. p3. 383 John Q. Adams, Ibid, p2. 384 Dennis Partridge, The US Gen Web Project ‘Coffee County Military Records.’ Coffee County Volunteers. (muster roll) 308 married a short and she didn’t last long … Ah married a Lassiter an’ she lasted.”385 Indeed, Mary Jane Lassiter lived until 1940 and nine of their ten children were noted for their longevity, being alive when Professor Hoar stayed with many of the Lundy family members in 1984.386 Their ages then ranged from 82 to 98. Lundy families were based on farms around Crestview in Northern Florida. Lundy and his wife had moved there in the early 1890s. His life resembled those of several others among the last veterans. Like John Salling he had a humorous optimism mixed with folksy humour that could often reveal a tremendous resilience and generous spirit. In modern parlance nothing could get him down. Like Loudermilk, Broadsword, Crump and Arnold Murray, hard work made his farm a success. The berry and fruit trees he planted were still there in the 1980s. Like Arnold Murray he was still hunting at well past a hundred and lived with his children around him. At one stage he declared his love for everybody (“even Yankees”) and in another affirmed that he was glad slavery was over as nobody should be enslaved. This was a courageous thing to say in the Deep South in the 1950s.387 Like Townsend, Sarah Rockwell and Bush he loved town socials, family get-togethers and picnics. His birthday celebrations recalls those for Riddle, Woolson and Williams as they were big events. His popularity was such that his birthdays became country-wide affairs. The last was attended by two thousand well-wishers and was complete with serenades from the local high school band. At the last of these he declared that “We have done all the hating we ought to do.”388 Like almost all the others there was no prolonged final illness lasting years. His health started declining after a gall bladder operation in March 1957, but he was well enough to walk to hospital just hours before he died. The next year a personal memorial was opened in the Crestview’s Confederate Park in his honour. Over fifty years later it would become the scene of a political correctness battle as Confederate flags flew there. Uncle Bill Lundy comes across as a likeable, lively old scamp, full of inspiring laughter, generosity and energy. Verifying him would be pleasing, but while ultimately remaining uncertain, at present the strongest evidence goes against him. Hopefully something like the recently revealed and totally unexpected photos of Arnold Murray and William J. Bush will appear. * Hoar, Vol. III. p1718. The quote is from Annie Jane L. Anderson, one of Lundy’s daughters. 386 Hoar’s section about Lundy Vol. III pp1717-1720. 387 Serrano, p127; Hoar, previous citation. 388 Hoar, Vol. III p1720. 385 309 William Allan Lundy. While usually cheerful, energetic and optimistic, in this 1955 photo he looks tired and his mood seems pensive. 310 * 311 What the South was fighting for. Few had homes this grand but many lived in hope of getting one. The house shows obvious signs of being modern or of being modernised, the dream has not died. The image of Southerners as rustics is overdone. Towns such as this river port and capitol were vital to the South and contained much of her population. New Orleans was one of the great a commercial hubs in America. 312 Lee, Joe Johnston, Longstreet, Bragg, A.P. Hill, Jackson and other generals of the Confederacy. They make for a strong contrast to Salling in raggedy clothes scrounging for the saltpetre they so desperately needed. Muskets such as this devoured great amounts of saltpetre and until rifles became more common later in the war, saltpetre was a dire necessity. 313 John B. Sallings aka as John Salling Result: possible. Date of Birth: disputed: 1843, May 1846 about 1852, 1856, 1858, 1859 and May 1860. Date of Death: 17th March 1959. Age at enlistment: he claimed about thirteen or fourteen and then sixteen or seventeen. Rank: private. (claimed) Unit: Company D 25th Virginia Infantry (claimed) Service: scouring for saltpetre. (claimed) Combat Experience: he said there was none. Length of service: Salling stated about a year, but perhaps it was around three. The controversy over John Salling started in 1933 when he was initially refused a veteran’s pension. The reason given was that he was not listed in the unit he said he served in, Company D 25th Virginia Regiment. Since then the controversy goes on and will probably always go on over the man who may have been among the last five people to serve the Confederacy and the last seven to have had some role in the war. He was given his pension because a 314 James Salling vouched for him.389 J.W. Salling is listed in Official Records as serving in the 27th Virginia Infantry and this is probably the same witness named as John in Salling’s recollections. John Salling also gave the name and title of his commander as Captain James Collins. This was close to the correct name and rank of the man in charge, Captain John Collings. A February 2014 posting to John B. Salling Find A Grave concerning investigations into the Scott County militia by “SixDogTeam” stated that Salling knew the names of six people concerned with the 27th infantry’s saltpetre mining. One of the officials, Monroe J. McConnell, was slightly muddled in his affidavit as J. Monroe McConnel and he knew two others by their first names when they were officially identified by initials. It is unclear if four of these men were soldiers or civilians. Salling’s less than glorious accounts record that he had no uniform and spent his hours scouring saltpetre under floors. This sound honest. He also has the long, thin build of someone who would be given that task. This is the evidence in his favour. Against this is another morass of census claims and those using them to discredit have a strong if at times muddled case. In 1910 when he was supposed to answer yes or no to the explicit question about Civil War service he chose to leave this a blank. This was repeated with the less explicit 1930 question about wartime service. Most doubts refer to Salling’s statements about his age. Those who debunk him point out that in different documents he gives himself ten differing birth dates between 1843 and 1860. Virtually every source about him mentions this and then the birthdate he gave as May 1846. They then state this proves Salling was a fraud or leave the matter blank with the implications there. The question here should be why a fraud who is not imbecilic or senile should give the government census people ten different dates? His application form stated that fraud was punishable. False dates were clearly evidence of fraud: so why do this when doing so could start an investigation leading to his prosecution? Senility and imbecility are not the answers. He sounds lucid in the interview which he gave that now exists on u-tube and imbeciles do not survive as household heads in Appalachia for decades. The probable clue that provides a more plausible answer appears in his pension application. The handwriting appears the same as the clerk’s and Salling signed with an x, the accepted form 389 Serrano, pp136-137. 315 for illiterates390 Although he frequently described himself as illiterate in the censuses, Professor Hoar states that he had a little learning.391 Perhaps Salling incorrectly thought he knew his numbers better than his letters. An unsigned passage in “John B. Salling’ also suggests that literacy was the problem and gives a hint about different ages: “John filed for a Confederate pension with the Commonwealth of Virginia in 1933 stating that he was 84 years of age.” 392 (my emphasis) Stating is of course ambiguous: it could mean written, spoken or taken down by a literate person. Less chance of an error emerges that way than in the census with two out of three of these ways. There are other reasons for giving this date of 1848/1849 as his likely birth year. This also fits to his statement that he was thirteen or fourteen when he spent a year scouring saltpetre under floors as his Confederate service after enlistment.393 That age range puts him into credibly serving in the war years. Unfortunately Salling himself knocks this theory askew in an interview, now on u tube. The interviewer does not lead him into answers, but does gently try to clarify with questions. He treats him respectfully, relieving the pressure of war talk with songs that they sing together. When asked if he was conscripted he affirms and he says that he enlisted. When asked if he was sixteen then he pauses and says seventeen clearly, but his tone sounds as if he tries to remember and he sounds a little uncertain. That makes the May 1848 birth dubious as it would make him seventeen a month after Appomattox. In that same interview he says that he was born in 1846. If he really was born then he turned seventeen during the war years. The Guinness book of Records once listed him as one of the oldest men to have ever lived. They also made a birth date error, mixing up March with his birth month of May. This error went around the world for several years in their bestselling publication and was still there in the 1970s. The only evidence that he was not 112 at his death comes from Salling’s contradictory statements. However he lacks enlistment papers or his name on the muster roll. These factors are not answerable with anything but conjectures, but are not good grounds for labelling his stories false either. 390 Pension Application for a Disabled Confederate Soldier March 11th 1933. Court of Scott County Virginia. 391 Hoar, Vol. III p1721. 392 ‘John B. Salling 1846-1959’ unsigned. Find A Grave Memorial http:/www.findagrave. com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page+gr& Grid+49607043 393 Ibid, p135. 316 Salling on the veranda of his mountain home in Slant Virginia. In his printed comments and recorded interviews he sounds a naturally happy and kindly person. Salling assisting Bush at the 1951 Richmond Reunion. Although the people around them look happy the veterans do not. 317 The terrain where Salling lived and perhaps worked in the saltpetre mine. Captain Collings may not have wanted to see a boy of thirteen enlisted in case the company were called to battle service, a real possibility with Virginia invaded and facing a manpower shortage - or perhaps he thought boys that 318 young doing that work were unimportant. To an officer they may not have been real soldiers. Collings would have had a point. They had no known real military training, no weapons or uniforms and they were not even militia. Another possibility is that perhaps an embarrassed Salling hid his illiteracy by not technically enlisting by writing, instead taking a verbal oath. Perhaps he was not enlisted at all. Despite the u-tube interview and against majority opinion I rate Salling’s service, such as it was, as possible. * 319 Walter Washington Williams aka as Walter Green Williams 320 Result: possible but extremely dubious, at least in the form usually given by others who present him as an adult cavalryman. His first claims to being a boy forager late in the war are likely. Date of Birth: disputed. The now discredited date of 14th November 1842 has been replaced by 14th November 1854. Date of Death: 17th December 1959. Age at enlistment: probably not enlisted, but he probably served aged nine or ten. Rank: forager. Unit: Company C 5th regiment of Hood’s Texas Brigade (claimed by others) Other enlistments are possible. Service: He foraged for food and supposedly rode with Quantrill’s guerrillas but this is extremely unlikely. Combat Experience: He said there was none, then he said there was. Length of service: he claimed about eleven months. Summary: Walter Williams remains the most controversial of the last twenty nine claimants to Civil War service. He was probably a boy forager for Confederate units near his home in Mississippi. He probably was shot at once while eating breakfast. This might make him the last Civil War participant to come under enemy fire. Others claimed for Williams that he was a Texan cavalryman, a veteran of John Bell Hood’s famed Texan Brigade. This was one of the best regarded units in the highly regarded Army of Northern Virginia and that he was the last survivor of the Civil War. He or others speaking for him claimed that he was one of Quantrill’s guerrillas. Walter Williams may or may not have been the last Civil War survivor, but he was certainly the world’s most glorified cattle thief. 394 Williams himself described his service as stealing food.395 In the 1950s celebratory dinners, parades, the honorary rank of colonel from President Eisenhower, a five star general’s ranking which promoted him above Lee, commander of all 394 Williams described himself in an interview later printed as part of an unsigned, undated obituary article reproduced on the website The Last Surviving Soldier: Walter Washington Williams. www.confederatelegion.com The Last Soldier HTML; Also Blitz 1; Serrano, pp6568 pp145-146 pp168-169 p175; Hoar, Vol. III pp1810-1813. 395 Ibid, See all previous citations. 321 Confederate forces, a general’s uniform, birthday greetings from the president’s wife, and bedside serenades from Johnny Horton and also from veterans groups were all given to him.396 This glorification did not stop with his death. A proclaimed national day of mourning by President Eisenhower and regretful statements were matched by five days of mourning in Houston and a lavish funeral. Williams being entertained 396 The Last Surviving Soldier: Walter Washington Williams; Nellie Taylor, The Last Confederate. 1963. 322 After his death his biography was published and like Woolson, he even had a statue erected at Gettysburg ‘The Walter Williams Memorial’397 Like Woolson he had never been there in the Civil War. Although photographs of Williams show a short, wiry man with a puckish grin and a wide mouth, the bronze nineteen feet three inches high statue shows a strong jawed, regular featured banner man with the earnest face and physique of an Olympic athlete as he charges forward. While not explicitly a portrayal of Williams, it gives that impression by the inscription about Williams and his longevity being on the other side.398 The Front is inscribed as a general memorial. He resembles several other veterans in his physical toughness and good humour, and farming, hunting and riding well into old age, but he differs from them in that his health slowly declined over years and in that he received much hospital attention from the early 1950s until his death at the end of the decade. Until September 1959 Williams was acclaimed as the Civil War’s last survivor. That month an investigation was published. Initially based on town gossip, investigating censuses revealed that he was born in Itawamba County Mississippi. The 1860 census age given there meant he was born about 1854/1855.399 The 1870 census shows the Williams family were in Texas where his age is sixteen. Many in Franklin, Texas where he lived for many years, said that he was an imposter.400 Louis Bridwell, the reporter who exposed him on allegations coming out of the town, commented that the unit he claimed to have served in had disbanded before he supposedly joined it.401 Bridwell had searched for evidence of Williams’s war service but had not found “a scrap.” 402 In J.B. Polley’s History of Hood’s Texas Brigade the muster roll for his supposed unit was reproduced, but Walter W. Williams did not appear listed, although there were three men with the surname of Williams there, one with initials W.K.403 In his 1910 census record, the column for designating Civil War veterans was blank.404 After claiming never to have killed anyone Williams also claimed to have served in Quantrill’s guerrillas and told a tale of an ambush where they killed a 397 Walter Williams Memorial Gettysburg, PA Specific Veteran Memorials on Waymaking.com 398 “Monument to the Soldiers and Sailors of the Confederacy.” ’WWW.Confederate/soldiersSailorsphp 399 Serrano, p155. 400 Ibid, pp155-156. 401 Serrano quoting Louis K. Bridwell pp156-157. 402 Mark Blitz, ‘The Last veteran of the Civil War.’p1 Posted April 19th 2013. Website entry. 403 Serrano, pp147-148 quoting Cooper K. Ragan. 404 Randle, p4; Serrano, p159. Checking Williams’s original census documents bears this out. 323 hundred Union men.405 He may also have written up something like this in his application as he appears in two computerised lists of Missouri’s guerrillas. Both lists include Williams with some caution as one of Quantrill’s guerrillas, but they are not always using the same sources. Both entries make it clear that there can be no identity confusion. Both state where he was recruited as being inl Texas and according to his pension record he was transferred five months later into Quantrill’s Brigade.406 When his family asked for precise details of his service the state could not find any.407 He had a way of changing the subject when people asked for precise details of his service.408 He preferred talking about his days as an 1870s cowboy on the Chisolm Trail, an interesting period and place in American history. By the middle 1950s the great cattle drives were sixty years past, so cowboys from the old Wild West were rare, but it was the Civil War people wanted to hear of. To what extent Williams was agreeing with his admirers outside the family and giving them what they wanted to hear is not always clear. It does seem that many people put words into his mouth, or putting things down on paper he may not have said clearly or understood: he was nearly deaf. Like others, Williams could not have known where getting the pension would lead him. On his death certificate his doctor wrote that sometimes his middle name was Washington, and at other times Green.409 The use of G as a middle initial dates from his earlier days. After the exposé several assumed that this change was to match an enlistment in Hood’s brigade. Actually others had insisted on this claimed enlistment, putting pressure on Williams to agree to this.410 For once the census records are consistent. Up to 1880 his census record presents the same problem as Arnold Murray’s with recorded birth years, but with Murray the census confusion rapidly becomes evident and later censuses support his age claims. No confusion exists in William’s case, no early claim to Confederate service and no later change of birthdates exist. Starting from the 1860 census and then going through those of 1870, 1880, 1900, 1910 and 1930, 405 Serrano, p159. Pennington, Entry for Walter Williams p15; Unsigned, The Missouri Partisan Ranger Quantrell. Roster of Known Members. Entry for Walter Williams. 407 Serrano, p63. Quoting Williams and again on p159. 408 Serrano, pp150-160; I have also heard an interview on a vanished website where his response to Civil War questions was to sing and play a harmonica and the interview suddenly stopped. 409 Reynda, ‘Walter Williams, Last Civil War Vet’ p3. Originally an obituary in the Sacramento Bee California. 20th December 1959. http://genforum. genealogy.com /civilwar/messages/15941.html 410 Hoar, Vol. III pp1810-1811 and n p1810. 406 324 they repeatedly show the same information about Walter William’s age and place of birth. He was born in Mississippi in either late 1854 or early 1855. Although as previously mentioned Quantrill had fourteen or fifteen year old Riley Crawford with him, Williams’s age almost certainly excludes raiding with Quantrill. In 1930 he answered no to military American enlistment again and left the involvement in conflicts column blank, just two years before applying for a veteran’s pension. This is the evidence for fraud which now leads to him being labelled as one. 325 Evidence also exists that Williams was to some extent genuine should be assessed. Much of it is given by Richard A. Serrano who concludes that the other side has the stronger case. The evidence he gives for Williams being a Civil War survivor is strong, but that evidence is not for being a regular adult Texan soldier. Serrano stated that all Williams claimed was to be a forager when Hood’s brigade passed through Mississippi on their way to Texas.411 Professor Hoar said the same years earlier. He had substantial contact with members of Williams’s family and had gained information from them. He stated that Williams probably did not leave his county in Mississippi, if he did he would not have gone far and that as the leader of a group of foraging boys for the Confederates, he was a master forager.412 Williams said much the same in the 1951 Associated Press article and local units like this did exist in the Confederacy to serve its armies. Williams’s youngest daughter quite reasonably pointed out that if the census records were correct then her father fathered a child at thirteen.413 The Jackson Mississippi archive contains a Private Walter W. Williams as listed in Company O 5th Mississippi Cavalry.414 The service branch, native state and number of the regiment all fit the man and the comments of Hoar and Serrano about foraging in Mississippi. Another Private Walter Williams of Company F. 5th Virginia Cavalry might be a possibility. Either man could have been Williams. Eleven other Confederates called Walter Williams are listed in Official Records, but only one has a G. after his name and none a W.. Serrano mentions a W.W. Williams who enlisted in Houston in July 1861, but he also says that his residence and dates of service do not match the stories Williams told.415 Two men had been willing to swear affidavits to his service, some people in Franklin had reasons for believing him. Mrs G.W. Chambers of Dallas recalled her father talking about how he and Williams had served together in Hood’s brigade in the war and seemed close friends.416 This may have referred to one of his older brothers. When the 1959 controversy started Ethel Everitt, head of the Confederate Pension Fund, recalled that when he applied for his pension in 1932, two officials examined his record closely and examined documents at the state library to check if he had served and were satisfied. 411 Serrano, p63. Hoar, Vol. III p1811; Phone conversations with Jay. S .Hoar, July and August 2014. 413 Serrano, p157. 414 Blitz, p1. 415 Serrano, p165. 416 Serrano, p164. 412 326 Perhaps the book they found was the one later found by a district attorney, an old history of Hood’s Brigade that that listed a W. Williams in Company C of the 5th Regiment of Hood’s Brigade, which was where Williams said he was.417 The same man stated that as Hood’s brigade records had been lost after the fall of Richmond full proof was lacking. Another W.W. Williams of Hood’s Brigade was found to be discharged for being under-aged, which might explain a lot. He served in Company D of the 4th Regiment.418 Had Williams misremembered his unit designation? In 1959 in what is probably close to the truth Hoar and Serrano would later separately express, Colonel Warfield W. Dorsey said boy foragers like Williams were common. They were usually unlisted and without uniforms and rounded up stray cattle, dug up turnips and took whatever they could find. They often went home undischarged.419 Perhaps a nine or ten year old boy, born in 1854 and eager to be with his brothers or perhaps just hungry, briefly worked as a forager before some official found him and dismissed him. In a world where seventeen year olds were conscripted and fourteen year olds serving were common, how young does a boy have to be before being discharged for being under aged? Nine or ten perhaps? The problem with Walter Williams is not in the military records: historians have an abundance of men who could be him based on written military words. The problems are threefold. His claimed age of 117, if verified with documentary evidence, would make him among the oldest men to have ever lived with documentation to prove it. This cannot be. For once census evidence stays consistent and his changes in his story make that clear. His own tall stories cause doubts. He may have used stories from his brothers and added in Quantrill’s raider’s deeds – and may not have known his real age. Service as a child forager is very likely, not the claims connected to serving with Quantrill or to being an adult veteran soldier. He may still be the last or second last participant to have served the Confederacy, but not as many believed. Perhaps he served as he said he did. Perhaps he was one of the other Confederates named Walter Williams and people wanted to big note him by tying his service to the legendary Hood’s Brigade. Like many of the other 417 Serrano, quoting the district attorney. 164-165. Ibid, p165. 419 Serrano quoting Dorsey, p163. 418 327 veterans he seems likeable, lively and full of fun, but as with so many others evidence stops verification. Too much evidence against him exists to accept his claims, but enough remains in his favour to stop continual references to fakery. He has gone from reverence in 1959 to uncritical calumny and contempt. Neither are deserved. Chisolm Trail cowboys. This is apparently what Williams wanted to remember. 328 The Gettysburg Memorial 329 Chief Red Cloud Result: probable, but more evidence is needed Date of Birth: 15th March 1842. Date of Death: 4th October 1962 Age at enlistment: There was no formal enlistment. He was nineteen when the war started and twenty-three when it ended. Rank: none known, probably none was given 330 Unit: unknown, he may have served as an individual Service: peacekeeper, messenger and errand carrier for the Union. Combat Experience: he denied ever being a warrior. Length of service: Uncertain. Information and Photographs for the section on Red Cloud was provided by Jay S. Hoar, Find A Grave, Charles Green of Stuebenville’s Historic Society and in the most detail by Ernest L. Plunkett, brother in law to Chief Red Cloud, son of Joseph A. Plunkett. This information and all illustrations used here were compiled and sent by Joyce Milhorn Plunkett. The usual problems with those who lived to a great age does not apply to Red Cloud; he has verification for his birth accepted by two government departments, the Bureau of Indian Affairs and Ohio’s Social Security. This makes him the oldest person in that state to ever receive government benefits.420 The 1940 census gives an unreliable age and his 1916 marriage certificate gives his birth year as 1846, but this disagrees with his birth certificate, his 1935 marriage certificate and all other documents and unsyndicated newspaper reports, all of which give 1842 as his birth year. Disagreement emerges over the place of birth. Except for one account Red Cloud was born in Tulsa in what was then the Indian Territory on March 15th 1842.421 In comments on his birth certificate it is stated that he was born in about 1842 in Montana.422 This birthdate means that he was in the age group that actively participated in the Civil War. Even if the dissenting 1846 census birthdate gets hypothetical credibility, this does not preclude his Civil War service. His father was a Chief of the Chickawaka branch of the Sioux. Red Cloud and his family lived in what is now Oklahoma and was then known as the Indian Territory. Professor Hoar describes Red Cloud’s role as not being enlisted and not being a veteran, but carrying out errands for the Union as a peacekeeper.423 This matches what Red Cloud stated in an interview of about 1952, when he said he was never a warrior and had no part in the Indian wars.424 His burial documents also leave the Unsigned Obituary Article, ‘Chief Red Cloud Succumbs At 120’ The Herald Star. October 1962; ‘Chief Red Cloud’ Find A. Grave. Created by Mary Nagy. 421 Union Cemetery Association Department Directory: ‘Chief Red Cloud’ Find A. Grave. Created by Mary Nagy. 422 Birth Certificate “Red Cloud 1842-1962” Ancestry .com ; Union Cemetery Association Department Directory. 423 Hoar, Vol. II. p914. 424 The Herald Star. October 1962. 420 331 details for a veteran section a blank. With what are his traceable statements so far, he seems to have said little about his early life. Red Cloud and his wife and family. Documents reveal that he went to school until Grade 5, but a massive time gap appears his early life when in an interview aged 111, he recalled that at the start of the Civil War he was working for a slave owner in South Carolina.425 This does not preclude working for the Union. He said he fled North along with everybody else, but does not put a date to it. Many fled north from the time of succession until the war’s end. As early as the first week of November 1861 the Union had seized Port Royal and some surrounding territory south of Charleston, so hundreds of civilians fled while the Union prepared the area for defence and seized slaves and agricultural W.H. McWilliams, ‘Connorsville Indian Now 111.’ p1 p17. No newspaper credited. No specific date is given but this report probably dates from March 1953. 425 332 products. 426 Red Cloud could have been among those fleeing then. He mentions his marriage to a slave, either in 1861 or 1863. As marriage between slave and free was legally and socially disallowed in the Confederacy he must have been somewhere behind Union lines at the time. By September 1863 when Union forces attacked Charleston, other sections of the nearby coast were briefly occupied. Wherever they occupied the Union forces needed locals to liaison with, for intelligence information, supplies, scouting and for negotiations to relieve civilian/military tensions. For the first four months of 1865 Union forces were either fighting in South Carolina or occupying it. In either situation Red Cloud could have worked as a messenger, errand taker or a peacekeeper. Large numbers of freed slaves followed the Union armies or escaped to plunder. Large numbers of deserters also roamed the devastated land; he may plausibly have had some role in restoring the peace with the displaced or sullen civilians living under Union occupation who preferred not to be dealing directly with the Union military. Other possibilities include negotiating with bandits, establishing trade and conveying messages about approaching Union soldiers and what they expected. As an American Indian he would have had affinities and perhaps linguistic abilities with the Cherokee and Catawba of South Carolina and therefore would have been well suited to work with them as a peace keeper. Going by Indian locales in South Carolina being far inland, this would have been in the war’s last months if it happened. Both sides often used Indians as messengers, scouts and diplomats dealing with other Indians. Often they were used to enlist other Indians, but frequently they were also used to negotiate so as to keep them at peace. 427 His brief statements about the Civil War era gives one date. He married in the year Lincoln freed the slaves, which means either 1861 or 1863. As he said he married aged eighteen this suggests the earlier date. He said that as everybody was going to Washington he also went but does not give a date. This is an apt description of Washington being flooded with those refugees fleeing the war to the South. He may have been evacuated from Port Royal in late 1861, from around Charleston in the middle of 1863 or during Sherman’s invasion in early 1865 or as the war ended. His stated that he was married by Abraham Lincoln, but the statement reads ambiguously and perhaps contains an ellipsis. Did he mean that he was personally married by Abraham Lincoln as the reporter took it - or that he was married by Lincoln’s laws that had just freed the slaves and so made marriage to a former slave 426 Catton p171 p478. Both sources use maps. John S. Bowman, The Civil War Almanac. Boston; G.K. Hall &Co./A Bison Book, 1992. pp86-87 p91. 427 Lawrence M. Hauptman, Between Two Fires: American Indians in the Civil War. New York: the Free Press, 1995. This book provides a wide ranging view of Amerindian involvement. 333 legal? He could also have worked as a messenger, errand carrier and peacekeeper working between the refugees and the army and government in Washington. If he left South Carolina for Washington early in the war his services may have been used elsewhere, but this is hypothetical. This wedding certificate helps verify Red Cloud’s advanced age After the Civil War he considered joining Sitting Bull to fight in the Indian Wars but decided to stay out of it.428 He must have returned to living around Tulsa because he moved from there when he was about forty, when he moved to Wyoming and Nebraska and later became one of the Indians in Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show.429 He stayed there for about eleven years before working with The Robison Show, Ringling Brothers and Barnum and Bailey.430 428 Mc Williams, Red Cloud quoted, previous citation . Obituary Article, Herald-Star. 430 Nagy; Obituary Article, Herald-Star. 429 334 He took up doctoring horses and then around the end of the nineteenth century he lived in Pittsburgh where he ran a successful herbalist’s shop with a high reputation for effectiveness. He sometimes travelling around by horse and wagon, before moving to Ohio.431 He was many decades ahead of his time with his practices and ideas, advocating eating smaller portions for longevity and focusing on fresh vegetables as a dietary staple to achieve health. In 1918 he started his own show which toured extensively in small town Ohio and he must have got memorable publicity driving in his decorated T-Ford – decorated with a five foot long dead blacksnake!432 In the 1950s he did not retire but did settle in Ohio. While living there he stayed active as a herbalist, a medicine man, philosopher and storyteller and driving in a car similarly decorated to his circus vehicle.433 In his personal life he married four times between the first marriage at eighteen and the last at ninety-two in early 1935. This last marriage was to Alice Loretta Plunkett and they had twenty nine years together, having four children. Aged 111, a reporter found him living alone in an out of town cabin where he was successfully battling pneumonia. He was certainly among the last Americans who could even remember the Civil War, let alone have some role in the conflict. Like Thomas Ross, James Erwin and Sylvester Magee, little information is known at this stage about his early life. Like them his probable experiences in the war are believable. He has their points for verification. He had a reputation for honesty, did not tell inflated stories about his war service or apparently try to claim a veteran’s pension, but unfortunately as with so many others, more detail and original materials are needed for full verification. Micael Shenern, ‘Chief Deserves A Better Place to Rest’ Herald-Star April 26th 1978. 432 Robert H. Richardson, A Time and Place in Ohio: A Chronological Account of Certain Historical and Genealogical Miscellany in Eastern Ohio. n.p. Exposition Press, 1983. pp220221. 433 Nagy, eyewitness account. 431 335 336 Owning large numbers of slaves was rare in the Antebellum south. Perhaps six thousand families owned great plantations with large numbers of slaves. Around 80% of Confederate soldiers did not own a slave. A few Union officers and politicians from the Border States were slave owners. This is a 1903 reunion photo of the Thomas Legion. Most of these men are Cherokees from Western Tennessee and some may be Choctaws and Catalpas. Few among them, if any would have been slave owners, yet they were amongst the last Confederates to surrender. 337 Sylvester Magee Result: possible/probable but more evidence is needed. Date of Birth: 29th May 1841 claimed. By documentation he was alive in 1859. 338 Date of Death: 15th October 1971. Age at enlistment: uncertain, in his early twenties. Rank: messenger/servant for his Confederate master / soldier/labourer for the Union. Perhaps he served as a cook and a scout after July 1863. Unit: unknown. Service: Both Union and Confederate. Combat Experience: He claimed to have been wounded at the battle of Champion Hill and then at the siege of Vicksburg. Length of service: Uncertain. Of all the people in this book, Sylvester Magee must be the first choice for a biography. His extraordinary life extended from being a plantation slave to seeing the victories of the Civil Rights movement, from seeing the patriotism and the glorification of war in the 1860s to the anti-war movement of the 1960s. He worked with mule driven ploughs and lived to see massive combine harvesters. From the days when controlled flight seemed utopian to the era of jets and rockets, from the era of cheap telescopes barely able to reveal the moon’s surface, he lived beyond the moon landings. He saw changes few of his contemporaries even dreamed of. What is certain about Magee’s early life is that he was alive in 1859, when his name appears on an official record, in a will in which he is mentioned and bequeathed as property, along with his father Ephraim.434 What his age was then remains unclear, but he always insisted he was born on 29th May 1841. Originally from North Carolina, he was sold to the Magee family in Mississippi just before the Civil War and apparently accompanied his young master to the war. His master, Dickson Magee, was an officer in the 46th Mississippi Infantry.435 Magee served him as his arms bearer, cook, and a go-between messenger between his master and the family plantation. He also became a shared valet for a group of Confederates and was used to run messages between Union and Confederate soldiers.436 This was nothing unusual: at night enemies would trade tobacco for coffee, newspapers were exchanged and with families Leahmon L. Reid & Bobie E. Barbee, ‘Why 125 year old Husband Sues for Divorce.” Jet 30th March 1967. p49. Apparently virtually every account of his life mentions this document. The documentation is in the probate division in the Court of Chancery in Covington County in the State of Mississippi and is dated February 1859. 435 Ben Magee, ‘Sylvester Magee in Columbia MS’ Genforum. Posted July 7th 2000. 436 Hoar, Vol. II p999. 434 339 and friends divided, messages across the lines were common. Perhaps over 30,000 Blacks served as valets for the South; they were usually chosen for being trained as house slaves who were noted for fitness and loyalty. 437 This technically made him a Confederate, however reluctant.438 Given that the Confederacy enforced conscription for whites in 1862 and forced blacks to work as auxiliaries, Magee’s type of service was nothing unusual. Contributions to the questions concerning Magee on Genforum bring up some interesting facts as these contributions are by people who knew Magee. They are predominantly descendants, with others including one interviewer and acquaintances. Most of the information would have come directly from him or were passed on family memories. While repeating much that has been already stated, they also state that Magee was freed after the surrender of Vicksburg and some claim that he was then offered a chance to enlist in the Union army, serving as a cook and a scout.439 In media stories he stated he could remember burying dead Confederates at Vicksburg, but he did not say which side he was working for.440 He mentioned the Vicksburg campaign, were he was wounded twice, once at the Battle of Champion’s Hill and once at Vicksburg.441 These battles were before Vicksburg’s fall, so this contradicts what was said in Genforum. He referred to being in a unit that carried long rifles, a unit of 500 whites and 382 blacks where he comforted a weeping white boy.442 How many Blacks serving with the Confederates were unwilling, how many went north towards the battlefields with plans to run off and how many were loyal volunteers, remains a controversial, unresolvable point. As the three reproduced photos (which are not the only ones existent) shown below there were Black Confederates accepted with some level of equality into Confederate service. The segmenting of motives and attitudes along racial lines must always Hoar, ’Forgotten Confederates.’ From An Anthology About Black Southerners Compiled & Edited by Charles Kelly Barrow, J.H. Segars & R.B. Rosenburg. Journal of Confederate History Series. Vol. XIV. 438 Look Around Mississippi. A Television Current Affairs program. 25th January 2012: Ben Magee, ‘Sylvester Magee in Columbia MS’ Genforum. Posted July 7th 2000. 439 ‘Sylvester Magee in Columbia MS’ Under this heading several contributions made over years appear. The interviewer is Bennet Strange. Ben Magee is descended from the white slave owner. Other contributors include Sylvester Magee’s family members. Genforum 440 ‘Sylvester Magee’ ‘The Civil War Parlor’ in Tumblr This segment on the website contains two previously posted articles, videotaped interviews and the 1970 filming of Magee and photographs. See uncredited text, front page; Hoar, Vol. II p999 441 Wikipedia ‘Sylvester Magee.’ 442 Roadside America 3rd May 2012 A news website. 437 340 be simplistic. Eighteen year old slave Henry Comer saved his wounded master’s life by dragging and carrying him five miles. Sylvester Magee’s Confederate service would have been something like this photo suggests – or seems to. Master relaxes in a self-confident, self-absorbed pose while his slave awaits a change of whim. This slave is Henry Comer. For a short statured man to carry the wounded taller man five miles must have been agony. Similarly William Faulkner in his short story ‘Mountain Victory’ (1932) gives an ironic portrait of two men joined not so much by the bond of slave and master, but by liking and a need for each other to survive. The master, a Mississippi Major and his slave/manservant are going home after Appomattox, but in the mountain cold the major cuts up his fine fur cape so that the slave will have footwear. The slave looks after and protects the major and the two men have to face the fury of Southern Unionist ruffians who not only despise 341 masters of slaves and slavery, but also slaves. Faulkner makes it all believable and sometimes it probably happened that way, but another reality should not be forgotten, the take no black prisoners order of the Confederate government which was sometimes carried out, the massacres of Black civilians, lynching’s and home burnings. The intimidation and degradation of Blacks which began in the Civil War did not end with it, but in the Reconstruction years increased. All these atrocities, while becoming rarer after Reconstruction ended, did not die out until the 1960s. The Black Confederates numbered in the thousands, but the runaways, the freed and those Blacks already in the North, all Union supporters, numbered in the tens of thousands. Around 187,000 on a lower estimate and perhaps 243,000 on the higher actively served the Union cause and in the slave states many waited for freedom. Like many slaves and freed blacks in that situation, perhaps Sylvester Magee ran off to join the Union forces or joined when offered a chance. The wounds he suffered were offered as evidence of service. One wound was to his right arm, the other to his hip exiting through his abdomen; Magee would show the arm scar late in life.443 The round small scar looked like what a minnie ball would do. Apart from his scar, other evidence in Magee’s favour was that when he was interviewed by historian A.P. Andrews, Magee impressed with his knowledge of the war’s minor details and of the way he knew officer’s names and their minor details.444 He recalled the Union crossing of the Big Black River in strong detail.445As this complicated manoeuvre occurred before Vicksburg fell this suggests that Magee’s account of fighting in the Union army in the Vicksburg campaign is the correct version. Andrews concluded that it would have been impossible for an illiterate man to have such detailed knowledge of such events unless he had actually been there.446 He could also identify his former owner Hugh Magee from a photograph.447 Others were impressed with Sylvester Magee’s modesty and a 443 Hoar, Vol. II, p999. This wounding is also mentioned in both the text and the Mike Mulhern interview and filming of Sylvester Magee, made in the summer of 1970. ‘Sylvester Magee’ ‘The Civil War Parlor’ in Tumblr This segment on the website contains two previously posted articles, videotaped interviews and the 1970 filming of Magee and photographs. The UTube film is available from the Timblr website as well as others. 444 Uncredited obituary article Jet November 4th 1971. p10. Andrews Quoted; Uncredited article Headed ‘Sylvester Magee’ ‘The Civil War Parlor’ in Tumblr 445 Trimblr, “The Civil War Parlour’ uncredited text, front page. 446 Jet previous citation. 447 Hoar, Vol. II p1000. 342 general sense of veracity. Unfortunately he does not seem to have recalled his unit’s designation. At this time black soldiers were just beginning to be accepted for combat roles and may not have been enlisted in regiments or even barred from them; the issue of coloured regiments or integrated regiments was unresolved until later in 1863. Amazingly the Confederates did not have an official segregation policy. The American Army would not integrate until the Korean War. Although the Union navy was never segregated it would be over eighty years before similar images to this Confederate portrait were repeated in the Army. On the negative side for Magee’s verification there are the differing Genforum descriptions of what happened in July 1863 when he was liberated by Union soldiers and offered enlistment. If accurate this makes both his earlier enlistment and woundings in the previous Vicksburg campaign untenable. The only Sylvester Magee to appear in Mississippi in censuses did so in 1920 aged around thirty. Jet also noted his claimed fatherhood aged 109 in 1950 and also published a statement stating that Magee claimed that Abraham Lincoln released him from the Union Army.448 Did he mean personally or by his policies? If Magee was a father at 109 that goes seventeen years beyond the verified world record for the oldest father.449 There is also no primary source documentation, but then for Blacks in 1863 there would have been little, if any written evidence. This led to his application for a Federal Civil War Pension being rejected in 1969, surely he was the last applicant! 448 Leahmon L. Reid & Bobie E. Barbee. This statement is in the caption to the photograph of Magee looking at a wax dummy of Lincoln. p49. 449 Guinness World Records Website. ‘World’s Oldest Father.’ 2015. 343 In 1970 historian Mike Mulhern interviewed and filmed Magee. Here Magee shows him his battle scar from being in action. The small circle does look like what a Minnie ball would do. Like breaking the record for aged fatherhood, his age remains a big question. If true it would make him one of the oldest men to have ever lived, fourteen years beyond the oldest male fully verified by the rigorous documentation rules of possessing a birth certificate and two official documents issued within twenty years of birth.450 Few slaves however had even a single document proving their age. The precedent of Charlie Smith once accepted, now causes scepticism. This might be unfair to Magee to judge his case by another, but Smith’s example does demonstrate a need for caution with claims. There is also a massive time gap before Magee emerged as a veteran in the 1960s, but then what black would boast of serving the Union while living in Mississippi before the middle 1960s? After the war Magee worked in sawmills, and at farming. He moved to Hattiesburg Mississippi in 1904. Sometimes he lived alone, sometimes with his daughter. He began to gain attention when he was interviewed about his Civil war service in 1962 by Professor Andrews. Two years later when neighbours had a birthday celebration for his 124th he began to get state, then federal and ultimately global attention. He divorced in 1967 and then spent his last years in a veteran’s nursing home in Mississippi. 450 These are the rules established by The Guinness Book of Records and now used by much of the world. 344 He was amongst America’s last people born into slavery and among the last who could even remember the Civil war, let alone participate in that conflict. He remains an enigma, and an ironic one, personifying very literally both the division of Unionist and Confederate in the 1860s, their current unity and what the war achieved, born a slave, he lived and died free. J.B. White and his black staff member Terrill, a former slave. His frock coat, sleeves, shoulder tabs and sleeve braid denote an officer. He has a medal, rare in the Confederate army. Very few Blacks became officers in either army. These men were in the 6th Tennessee Cavalry, one of Nathan Bedford Forrest’s units. 345 . At the time Sylvester Magee claimed to be fighting at Champion Hill Black units were just starting to be organised as well as this recruiting poster and this photograph both suggest. 346 While the poster above appealed to team spirit and presented an almost idyllic picture of military life, this poster was more ideological. 347 * 348 Francis Healey ? Result: unauthenticated. His service is very unlikely on age and apart from a mention of increasing his age so as to enlist, no evidence on any point concerning service has been given yet. As previously stated, if they claim Civil War service or have that claimed for them they are investigated. On a recent website giving answers to the question “Who was the Last Surviving Civil War veteran?” One contributor stated that his great great grandfather, Francis Healey was. He also stated that this man was a Confederate and had died in 1977 and had pushed up his age to join up. Investigating this led to a second website saying exactly the same - except that there was a question mark after “died in 1977” and the above photograph without a caption, although he also appears on the internet in ‘Images of Francis Healey.’ This sounds like a family legend, where over time dates become confused. A similar case is that of Confederate Private Isaac Brock of Company H, 19th Texas Infantry. His tombstone and family legends gave him a birthdate in August 1787 and a death date of September 1909. At 122 he would have been 349 the world’s oldest male, but differing documents placed his birthdate in 1805 and 1812. 451 Obviously Confederates living into the 1970s strains credibility. Even if Francis Healey was amongst the very youngest and aged six at the war’s end, he could have been born no later than 1859. That means if he died in 1977 he would have been turning at least 118 that year. That makes him one of the oldest American men to have ever lived. This in itself is not impossible: Red Cloud, J.A. Hard, Sarah Rockwell, Hattie Carter, William Kiney, Sylvester Magee and Charlie Smith also claimed great ages, but they did so with some evidence – and with the latter two with considerable publicity. As with Maud Nichols Jones, the age question becomes egregious. Perhaps as also with Maud Nicholls Jones, there is a grain of truth in the claim: she died aged very old in 1957, not in 1962 and not aged 114 years. Where are the usual media stories and scientific references that follow someone so old? Nobody by this name appears in the many lists for Americans over 110. However when Hattie Carter died in January 1956 claiming an age of 122 apparently the only publicity given were a few lines in a Richmond newspaper. William Kiney was supposedly 109 when interviewed and all he had in media coverage was the same: one local paper story. In 1962 Red Cloud, aged 120 was given similar local coverage and only slightly better media treatment. The problem of claimed great age and credibility becomes another morass. Almost everybody considers The Guinness Book of Records to be the world’s leading authority on this matter, being much quoted. By their evidence the oldest living man ever, Jiroemon Kimura of Japan, lived to 116.452 The oldest accredited American male was a Danish migrant, Christian Mortensen, who died aged 115 in 1998. 453 While The Guinness Book of Records has respect as an authority from all around the globe, how accurate are they on this matter? The previously mentioned cases of John Salling and Charlie Smith show that they admit that they can get it wrong and they have with other individuals, so they now have rigorous standards for verification – which would exclude many among the world’s population. Even in the most technologically Cindy Gaines, Robert Young, and Louis Epstein, “Mr Isaaac Brock, Alleged to Have Lived to 122y.o.? during the Civil War Era.” (sic) Posted February 1st 2011. Reprinted on the website List of Incomplete, Exaggerated or Fraudulent Cases (As of May 18th 2014) 452 Wikipedia, ‘Oldest People Ever.’ 453 Ibid, 451 350 advanced countries in the twenty first century, how many people have a birth certificate and two separate documents containing precise official information about their birth date that is issued within twenty years of their birth? Red Cloud had a birth certificate and a marriage certificate proving that he lived to be 120 and Sylvester Magee’s mention in a will proved that he was at least 112 years old in 1971, but these men do not make the American longevity lists for those past 110. How long can a person live? This topic lays wide open to both fraud and gullibility as many have stated. It is also open to a narrow minded overdone scepticism as many have not stated. Brazilian Maria De Geronimo, possibly the world’s oldest person with documentation, had a baptismal certificate from 1871 and lived a fairly traceable life until her death in June 2000, just after turning 129. Even so, she was considered to have insufficient proof, not having a birth certificate.454 The oldest man in the world with birth certificate documentation might be Jose Aguinelo dos Santos, another Brazilian who has apparently reached 126. One online newspaper story about him mentions a recently found birth certificate from 1888 awaiting verification and reproduced his government issued modern certificate.455 Another online paper wrote similarly, mentioning the investigating team who were continuing to search for evidence for his age verification.456 In 2011 media stories appeared about another Brazilian, Maria Lucimar Pereira. She was investigated after Social Security staff found a birth certificate for her dated 3rd September 1890.457 The certificate was approved in 1985 and has since been checked and found to contain no mistakes.458 They found her in her village where she had lived all her life surrounded by her family. In August 2014 she celebrated her 124th birthday. Despite these stories giving good, acceptable evidence that women have lived beyond their 124th birthday, Calment still holds the record for the longest living human for living until 122. Many others have claimed (with differing levels of evidence and credibility) to have lived beyond 120. Wikipedia, ‘Maria de Carmo Geronimo.’ Peter Henn, “Is This the World’s Oldest Man? Pensioner Found in Brazil that Could Be 126’ (sic) Sunday Express 15th July 2014. http://www.express.couk/news/world/488922 456 Matt Roper, “Brazilian who Turned 126 Last Week Could Be Oldest Living Person.” The Telegraph 15th July 2014. www.telegraph. couk/news/world news/southamerica/brazil/10968734 457 Mark Johnson. ‘World’s Oldest Person Found in Amazon Preparing for 121st Birthday’ August 31st 2011. Syndicated Article.; ‘Living the Longest: Indigenous Brazilian Woman Celebrates 121st Birthday.’ August 30th 2011. www.survivalinternational/org/news/7635 458 Ibid, 454 455 351 The stories of Pereira and Ammash do have a ‘truth is stranger than fiction’ element to them. This makes the claim about Healey sound less farfetched. The great if vague age claimed for Francis Healey, even going beyond what The Guinness Book of Records allows, in itself while straining credibility, does not emerge as the biggest problem. The seemingly bizarre situation of some very old Confederate veteran living unnoticed long, long after the war ended is also not the big problem. The case of former Confederate cavalryman William Albert Kiney, living unnoticed in an Indianapolis nursing home until his death in June 1953 proves that it can happen. The only reasons he became known were a 1952 biographical story due to his age and the investigative work of Professor Hoar. Sylvester Magee seemed little noticed until interviewed in 1962 aged 121. The biggest problem, the biggest elephant in the herd crowding the credibility waiting room must be the total lack of supporting evidence for Francis Healey. To quote the recent quote attributed to Abraham Lincoln on a poster “Do not believe everything you read just because it is on the internet.” Kiney had good evidence that verified his extraordinary story: Healey has none so far. No confederate Civil War soldier named Francis Healey appears in any of the five major collections: Official Records, U.S. Civil War Soldier Records and Profiles 1861-1865, Fold3, Ancestry.com and the Search for Soldiers Database, Checking the following more specialised collections included Paroles of the Army of Northern Virginia, the Vicksburg paroles, Dennis Partridge’s Alabama Civil War Rosters, The Texas State Library and Archives Commission, The Florida and Tennessee Civil War pension records, Pennington’s Muster Rolls for Confederate Guerrillas, Hoar’s Trilogy, Lillian Henderson’s Roster of the Confederate Soldiers of Georgia or John W. Moore’s North Carolina Troops in the War Between the States. His name also fails to appear amongst the massive numbers of child soldiers in Professor Hoar’s work on the topic. No mention of his locale, unit, type of service, exact age, any documentation or anything else has been given. Fold3 lists only three people with the name Francis Healy connected to the 1861-1865 conflict. These are a Confederate widow, a Union infantryman in the 192nd New York regiment and a Union naval man aged 24 in 1861. The closest possible match is a Frank Healey in the Louisiana Heavy Artillery. Census records reveal four American births between 1850 and 1854 with the name Francis Healey, two of these were in Northern areas, Brooklyn and Wisconsin. The others were in the border states of Maryland and Missouri and so initially give some thin plausibility to the claim. Three American men named Francis Healey are listed as dying in 1977, but all three were born several 352 decades after 1865. Keeping a nineteenth century birth out of the records was common. Keeping a 1977 death out of modern records must be more difficult and raises the question of why. After investigating the Maud Nicholls Jones story revealed some grains of truth, obviously clever comments about Healey are on hold. For any consideration of Civil War service beyond what is here, evidence must be presented. Attempts to get that information have so far failed. * 353 Charlie Smith Result: unauthenticated/very unlikely/Controversial evidence. Date of Birth: 4th July 1842 claimed. 1874 or 1879 are more likely. Date of Death: 5th October 1979. Age at enlistment: unauthenticated and unlikely. He was in his early twenties if he enlisted. Rank: unknown and unlikely. Unit: unknown and unlikely. Service: unauthenticated and unlikely. Combat Experience: unauthenticated and unlikely. Length of service: unauthenticated and unlikely. Of all twenty nine claimed participants investigated in this work, Charlie Smith must be the first choice for exclusion. Unfortunately he seems to be the first name many people would know of in relation to the question of ‘Who was the last Civil War slave and survivor?’ This recognition cannot be due to commonly known evidence or great deeds: it is due to his claimed great age and media publicity. To leave him out of this investigation would be to leave the work incomplete. This writer has tried to find evidence in his favour, but accounts on the internet are usually hostile or at best cautious. Some supporting Charlie Smith are overly selective with his given information. His account of his life goes like this: He was born free in Liberia on July 4th 1842 and lived in the town of Galina where he was named Mitchell Watkins in one account and M’lchi in 354 another.459 On his twelfth birthday he said he was lured onto a slave ship by the promise of being able to pick and eat fritters off the trees in America and ended up in the bottom of a boat which took them to the United States.460 He was auctioned at the slave markets in New Orleans in 1854 or 1855. He was purchased there by a Texan, Charlie Smith who had a ranch near Galveston. He treated the boy so well, like one of the family, that Mitchell/ M’lchi took the rancher’s name to honour him.461 The January 1st 1863 Emancipation Proclamation freed him. In one of his versions he stayed on the farm as a cowboy until the honoured owner’s death in 1874.462 In another version he claimed to have been a Union soldier during the Civil War, to have been at Gettysburg and to have met Lincoln.463 At some point his accounts merge and he lived a much diversified wild life in the Wild West. On his Find a Grave entry his occupations include bounty hunter, train robber, and gambler.464 Wallace and Wallechinsky added the professions of bootlegger, logger, oil worker, and dance hall proprietor.465 He also claimed he could remember riding with the James Gang and got into a gunfight with Jesse himself.466 Like Riddle, he claimed that Jesse survived his supposed murder and died naturally. Smith stated this after being questioned as to how he could have worked for a James for fifty years as he claimed, when Jesse James died aged thirty five.467 In 1881 Smith and his accomplice Billy the Kid apprehended the For M’lchi Unsigned article, The Schenctady Gazette ‘Oldest living American Bounced From Record Book 21st March 1979. Computerised pages; For Mitchell Watkins, read David Wallechinsky & Irving Wallace, Biography of Centenarian Charlie Smith. c1978. http://www.trivia-library.com/bbiography-of-centenarian-charlie -smith.htm 7/092014; Stephanie Raezler, ‘A Tale of Two Slaves.’ 30th April 2009. https://www.msu.edu/~raezlers/douglass.html 460 Raezler p2. 461 The account here follows almost verbatim all accounts of Smith’s life. See for example Linda Snyder, ‘Meet Former Slave Charlie Smith.’ Genforum May 12 2004. http://genforum.genealogy.com/outlaws/messages/40.html 462 Wallechinsky & Wallace. 463 These claims were mentioned in the 1978 film prospectus on his life. The film depicted him as a Union soldier. See source note 450. 464 Find A Grave ‘Charlie Smith 1842-1979.’ 465 Wallechinsky & Wallace. 466 The gunfight with Jesse is mentioned in an unsigned article ‘The World’s Oldest Liar’ March 26th 2006. The Genealogue http://genealogue.com/2006/03worlds-oldest-liar.html This article refers to a screenplay based on Smith’s life. The connections checked out; Radio Coverage of Smith’s death in Melbourne, October 1979 also mentioned the James gang but not the supposed gunfight. 467 Snyder p1. 459 355 assassin of President Garfield.468 Yes that Billy the Kid. The one who died in the same year as Garfield, but who died six months before. Charlie Smith was married three times and had a son Chester, born in 1904 or 1905.469 During the Spanish-American War Smith had drifted down to Florida from Georgia and became a fruit picker for fifty years.470 In 1955 he retired from fruit picking in Florida, went on social security and earned a meagre living by running a soda pop and candy stall from a rented shack in the Bartow ghetto. As this was failing he briefly toured with Ripley’s Believe it or Not Exhibitions where he was billed as the world’s oldest working person.471 In 1963 his recollections were taken down and published as Reminiscences of Charlie Smith. From 1972 onwards he lived in a convalescent home.472 As his age increased so did his fame. The media tended to concentrate on his experiences of slavery and his durability rather than his undetailed Civil war service or his supposed outlaw days. By the 1970s he had become a media star due to his age, which made him the oldest living American and a source of public interest. A play and a television movie were made of his life. The television movie was an episode in the series Visions and was on the PBS channel in 1978. Entitled ‘Charlie Smith and the Fritter Tree’ it depicted him joining the Union army.473 By 1978 tourists were stopping at Bartow to meet him, coming by the busload.474 Before assessing the documentation found in the late 1970s, the account just given reveals enough to cause strong doubts about his claims. While not totally impossible, (except for Garfield and William Bonney) his account goes against what is known, and what is likely or plausible with undocumented events. Impulsively getting on a slave ship to go to America to eat fritters picked off trees sounds like the ultimate in naivety – until his next version where the fritters in the trees are covered in syrup! African children would have known to avoid any such slave ship – if it existed. The British and Mexicans had abandoned the slave trade by 1833 and the British and French patrolled the 468 The Genealogue; Raezler p2. In her version the duo merely ride around trying to find the assassin, who in reality was caught immediately after the shooting. 469 Wallechinsky & Wallace. 470 Unsigned Obituary Article, ‘Ex-slave Charlie Smith Nation’s Oldest Resident Dies.’ Sarasota Herald Tribune October 7th 1979. p7. Computerised edition. 471 Ibid, 472 Ibid, 473 unsigned, Wikipedia ‘Charlie Smith (centarian)’ 474 Unsigned story, The Paris News From Paris Texas. September 20th 1978. p26. 356 West African coast to forcibly stop it. The Americans had banned the imports of African slaves in 1808 and although some slave ships got through the blockade, few ever landed in the USA coming from Africa. Long before the 1850s Liberia had ceased to be a slave trading centre, being an American colony. The American fleet had devastated the slave trade there in 1823.475 However two suspected Brazilian slave ships were off nearby coasts in 1843, so just possibly…476 Some slaves were well treated as part of the family, Smith’s name (or that of someone with that common name) and his age of twelve were both on an 1855 schedule of slaves, but doubts should arise over Smith’s accounts of emancipation and being in the Union army. Galveston was captured by the Union on October 8th 1862 and recaptured by the Confederates on New Year’s Day 1863, when the city’s Union infantry garrison of around three hundred were killed or captured and the vessels of the small fleet were also captured, destroyed or blown up to avoid capture.477 According to Union sources this disaster resulted in “the whole state of Texas coming into their possession.”478 “Their” here means the Confederates. There would have been no reading of the Emancipation Proclamation in the middle of a battle or at any other time before the city and surrounding rural areas surrendered in June 1865. While located there the small Union garrison at Galveston would not have spread out from the island to the mainland, so how did Charlie Smith gain his emancipation? Did a kindly owner read it to him? Where would he have got the document? Possibly? But then how did he get to the Union army to join it? It is possible that he somehow joined them during their brief time in Galveston and then quickly shipped out north or to New Orleans. If he stayed he would have been executed or resold when the Confederates recaptured the city. It is possible that he walked or rode north or towards Union held parts of Louisiana. Either journey meant going through hundreds of miles of Confederate territory where patrols watched for people like him. It is possible that he met Lincoln and ended up in some role in the Union at Gettysburg where he had what his Hollywood transcript for his life story described as “a brush with death” although no Black units were in that battle.479 Two Union 475 Hugh Thomas, The Slave Trade: The History of the Atlantic Slave Trade 1440-1870. New York: Picador, 1997. p692. 476 Ibid, p693. 477 Guernsey and Alden, pp421-423. 478 Ibid, p423, 479 The genealogue. 357 enlistments for a Charlie Smith show up in Official Records. One was in the 134th Pennsylvania Infantry, a unit that was disbanded because their enlistments expired in May 1863. The other was a ‘coloured man’s unit’ formed in Atlanta in July 1865. A Charlie Smith, a black was born in Georgia in 1841 and shows up on the 1920 census, but does not seem to be the same man, he appears to be settled in Georgia with a large family, not moving around the Wild West. After the Williams media fiasco the media must have been cautious about making much of his Civil war claims, it did not appear in many stories. Several wise mass media omissions involved Smith with Lincoln. His colourful career in the West sounds possible – until he mentions Jesse James, Billy the Kid and the assassination of President Garfield. These three individuals are all well documented and Smith has put himself out of the world of the possible by putting himself in scenarios involving these people. Instead he has gained the Thomas Evans Riddle Award for Preposterous Anecdotes That Damage Credibility. A plausible explanation for Smith’s stories was given by his friend Loyal Frisbie who said that in Smith’s days in a sideshow the barker would spruce out the stories and Smith heard them so often that he came to believe them.480 Unfortunately Frisbie did not specify which stories: they were probably the ones connected to famous names. It is important to note that not one eyewitness, muster roll, newspaper story or anything else corroborates anything except Smith being a slave. The one piece of evidence in his favour is that his name was found on the old bill of sale where it should have been.481 Even this has been questioned by the descendants of Smith’s owner who say the bill was originally dated 1850 and the document with the 1855 date might be bogus.482 The acceptance by Social Security (which is his only verification) was much quoted because of this bill. Social Security records revealed that he had been on their Florida books since 1955, apparently aged 113 when he was still picking citrus fruit for wages. No Civil War pension, no documents, seventieth, eightieth, ninetieth or one hundredth birthday celebrations, early newspaper coverage or relatives emerge to verify anything. Until just months before his death, Charlie Smith was accepted as America’s oldest man ever, accepted by the public, the media and Social Security. His name on a sale of slaves was considered sufficient proof. Doubts should have started earlier. 480 Sarasota Herald Tribune October 7th 1979. p7 Computerised edition. 481 Schenectady Gazette. previous citation. 482 Snyder p1. 358 In July 1967 Time quoted him as saying that he chose his July 4th birthdate out of loyalty to America, but then in a 1975 interview he insisted that this was his real birthday and that he was 144, a year older than previously claimed.483 In a June 1977 interview ‘Meet Charlie Smith’ he was sure of the July 4th date but was uncertain if he was 139 or 135. In March 1979 just six months before his death, The Guinness Book of Records removed him from the entry that listed him as the world’s oldest man. They had found his January 1910 marriage certificate, written up in De Soto County Florida. It gave his age as 35. This removal soon got media coverage and it was noted that he was also known to refer to one of his wives as Belle, the bride’s first name on the 1910 certificate.484 Other official documents suggested 1874 as a birthdate.485 The New York Times retracted their stories giving him credibility.486 Others soon followed this sceptical attitude, especially as his birthplace on the marriage certificate was written in as Georgia.487 This fitted in with the Sarasota Herald Tribune obituary story saying that Smith had come from Georgia in 1898. As Robert Young rightly states in this same correspondence, someone should have suspected falsity on the stories of Jesse James. Like Lincoln and Lee he remains one of those legends that attract those trying for attention and celebrity connections. Some obituary media reports mentioned this connection in dubious tones.488 If Smith ever defended himself or denied the marriage, that got apparently only one piece of media coverage that made it to the internet. This was when he did state in response that he was not a social security fraud, he did not even know that it existed until 1915 and the caretaker of his convalescent home also said that the older documents, such as the slave schedule were the more reliable.489 And the birth dates? More should have been said in defence, such as a denial of the census birth dates and the marriage certificate. If he ever did make a second denial or defence it got no easily found coverage – or for that The genealogue.; ‘Gerontology Secret of a Long Life.’ Time July 14th 1967 computerised version. Smith is quoted in both sources. 484 Schenectady Gazette. previous citation. 485 Robert Douglas Young, African American Longevity Advantage: Myth or Reality? A Racial Comparison of Supercentarian Data. Thesis. Georgia State University. 2008. http//scholarworks.gsu. edu/gerontology 486 Robert Douglas Young .p53; Schenectady Gazette. previous citation 487 Letter to the editor of the GRG Supercentarian Website: The American Paradox. February 17 2003. Robert Young in Reply from Atlanta Georgia, undated.http:??www.grg.org/Adams/Cquastlet.htm 488 The claim about the James Gang was mentioned in the radio news announcing his death in 1979, but got very little coverage elsewhere. 489 Schenectady Gazette. previous citation. 483 359 matter difficult to find coverage. The exposé story was taken up in 1982 by The Boston Globe which compiled good reasons for doubts.490 After the marriage certificate find, more investigations were launched and his 1900 census showed him as born in 1879. One last time the census conflicts with other evidence, but even for the censuses, thirty-seven years between claimed and stated birthdates makes for too big an error to be creditable. Unlike Kiney he could have explained. Unlike Kiney there seemed no ambiguities or contradictions in the documents, although he has one of the most common names. The slave sale document remains just enough to stop the wise from making allegations. He was the last person to claim to be a Civil War participant. * The genealogue. They quote The Boston Globe article “Eat a Tree but Never a Bicycle’ Feb. 11th 1982. 490 360 Afterword Who knows what the future holds in history? Lundy, Salling and Williams were once unquestioningly accepted and revered as the last living contacts to the Civil War. At the same time Rockwell, Carter, Kiney, Erwin, Mayer, Red Cloud and Sylvester Magee were little known. Even since the first version of this book The Controversies Over The Last Civil War Veterans appeared in early 2014 important new information has emerged. The picture changes in unexpected ways. Somebody may find evidence to discredit someone accepted among the twenty nine participants investigated here. Somebody else might find a thirtieth. Just as photographs of Arnold Murray and William J. Bush have become public during the writing of this book, other evidence for those who still remain unverified may emerge. Who knows what is in the musty file? Or the uninvestigated attic, the newly found old diary… * 361 About the Author The author’s interest in the American Civil War veterans started in junior primary school days. After careers in heavy industry and politics he abandoned these disastrous choices and gained a double honours degree (English and Drama) with Modern History as a third. In 1995, by a fluke he became a tutor and defacto university lecturer/tutor, being the only person in the city qualified with a needed highly specialised degree. He then worked in mainstream English for a term and then in university preparatory courses for indigenous students in English, Sociology, Education, Critical Literacy and Psychology. After government retrenchments in 1998 he returned to High School teaching. Since 2008 he has organised and played community radio programs in the Folk and Celtic genres. The following works are currently available on PDF at www.garryvictorhill@bigpond.com Heirs to Ahmegodheho (an Australian family saga 1895-2005) novel (2010) Author’s Note, Maps and Genealogies to Heirs to Ahmegodheho The Controversies over America’s Last Civil War Veterans. (The e-book version is free and has illustrations reproduced in colour. The soft bound printout is available at cost price plus postage. Garryhill7@bigpond com This is an earlier, shorter, preliminary version of America’s Last Civil War Participants: An Investigation. We Are Motivated By Love (1988) play Australia’s Troubadour: Gary Shearston 1939-2013. (2013) biography 362 Algernon Swinburne 1837-1909. An Overview of His Life and Poetry. (2013) biography Caesar’s Assassination: Who Gained? Who Lost? (2014) history Akhenaten and Nefertiti (2015) history Lionheart: The True Story of England’s Crusader King (Review) (2014) The Culture of the 1920s: A Double Review of One Summer America 1927 and Constellation of Genius: 1922: Modernism Year One. (2014) Red Nile: A Biography of the World’s Greatest River (Review) Last to Join The Fight: The 66th Georgia Infantry (Review) Rough Riders, (Review) Ireland in Poetry (Review) Meetings With Remarkable Trees, (Review) The Water Diviner (Review) Callow Brave and True: A Gospel of Civil War Youth. (Review) Sunset and Dusk of the Blue and the Gray: Last Living Chapter of the American Civil War. (Review) Songcatcher, (review) Old Yellow Moon (review) The Tournament (review) Noah (review) Songs From Ireland (review) A Million Ways to Die in the West (review) Kenneth Brannagh’s Hamlet (review) The Last Pre-Raphelite: Edward Burne-Jones and the Victorian Imagination. (review) Coming Up on the Website: Major Dundee. Everyday life in Ancient Greece (Reviews) Early Days at Ocean Ridge (2011) novel 363 Four Major Factors in the development of Ancient Greek Civilization (essay) (2014) The Kensington Stone Controversy (2010) history The Myth of the Prophet: Trotsky and his Followers (serialised in 1985-1986) Looking Back to Fix the Future: W.B. Yeats and William Morris (1985. Revised) Rhetoric, Romance and Reality: Maude Gonne and William Butler Yeats (1985. Revised) From the 1775 Revolution to the Gulf Wars: Tradition and Change in the Concept of the American Military Hero 1895-1995 (2006) Browning and his Poetry Tennyson and his Poetry Christina Rossetti and her Poetry Daphne Du Maurier 1907-1989: Her Life and Work Harper Lee: Her Life and Work Why Did the Norse Colony in Greenland Fail? Why Did Cortez Conquer? *
© Copyright 2024