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Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association
Position Paper on the Introduction of Prepaid Water Meters in Bulawayo:
A research paper contextualised within the framework of the National Water Policy in Zimbabwe
April 2015
About Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association
Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association (BPRA) is a community based organisation based Bulawayo,
Zimbabwe. Its mandate is to empower residents through provision of platforms to discuss service delivery and
local governance issues, resulting in effective service delivery and accountability in local governance. It also
advocates on issues that affect the lives of residents.
Vision
A transformative organisation that is relevant and accessible to proactive residents who agitate to live in a city of
first choice in Zimbabwe
Mission
To empower residents of Bulawayo in issues of Local Governance and Collective Decision Making through
effective participation and informed research that results in improved service delivery.
Objectives
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To represent and support the residents of Bulawayo by advocating for transparent, affordable and
quality municipal services in a professional non-partisan basis.
To promote participation of women, youths and other vulnerable groups in residents’ activities and Local
Governance
To facilitate research and dissemination of information to the residents of Bulawayo.
To support dialogue between residents, councillors, central government and other public institutions.
To build synergies with other local, national and international organisations both public and private with
similar objectives that in any way advance the interests of residents.
BPRA’s Activities
Consultative meetings - BPRA holds meetings at Ward and constituency level to provide platforms for
interaction between residents and public officials or service providers on critical socio-economic and service
delivery issues affecting residents.
Capacity Building - BPRA capacitates local leaders in Bulawayo with skills in mobilisation, social accountability,
advocacy and leadership, empowering them to lead developmental agendas in their wards and equipping them
to hold the Bulawayo City Council, councillors, Members of Parliament and other service providers accountable
for their conduct.
Awareness raising campaigns - BPRA holds regular awareness campaigns in issues such as environmental
conservation, water conservation and human rights. These campaigns are based on BPRA’s belief that
information is a key component of empowering citizens to claim their rights from public officials and to participate
in public life.
Research and Information Dissemination - The association also conducts research on pertinent issues and
publishes the findings as a means of doing policy advocacy and lobbying. The information is disseminated to
various stakeholders.
To contact BPRA:
Suite 409, 4th Floor, Fidelity Life Centre, Cnr 11th Avenue\Fife Street, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe; Tel: 09-61196, Cell:
0775233581 or 0772516729; Email: progressiveresidents@gmail.com or byoresidents@gmail.com,
ii
Table of Contents
About Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association……..……...............................................................................................ii
Table of Contents.....................................................................................................................................................................iii
Acknowledgements...................................…....……………………………………………………………………………………….iv
Acronyms and abbreviations……..………………………………………………………………………………................................v
Dedication................................................................................................................... ..............................................................vi
Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………..............................................vii
Executive Summary ……………………………………………………………………………………………….......................…….viii
Introduction....................................................................................................................................................................... 1
Contexts, Concepts and Scope ......................................................................................................................................... 2
Case of Cowdray Park Township ....................................................................................................................................... 5
Pro Prepaid Metering Argument......................................................................................................................................... 6
Revenue Collection Argument………………………………. ............................................................................................. 6
Viability Argument ......................................................................................................................................................... 7
Anti Prepaid Water Meters Argument……………………………………………………………………………………………………9
Water as a ‘Human Right’ Argument ................................................................................................................................ 11
Lack of Consultation Argument .........................................................................................................................................13
Implications of Prepaid Water Meters................................................................................................................................16
Social Implications ....................................................................................................................................................16
Economic Implications ..............................................................................................................................................18
Environmental Implications ...................................................................................................................................... 20
Recommendations ......................................................................................................................................................... 21
On Prepaid Water Meters ................................................................................................................................................ 20
On National Water Policy ................................................................................................................................................ 22
Concluding Remarks…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….24
References .....................................................................................................................................................................25
Tables, Boxes and Pictures
Table 1 - Advantages of prepaid water meters…………………………………………………………………………………………………8
Picture 1- Prepaid Water Meters in Cowdray Park………………………..………………………………………………………………….4
Picture 2 - Life in Cowdray Park…………………………………………………………………..……………………………………………………6
Picture 3 - Residents Demonstrating Against PPWMS……………………………………………….……………………………………15
Box 1 - Water as human right - summary of key issues……………………………………………………………..……………………13
Box 2 – Social Implications of PPWMs – An Illustration……………………………………………………………..……………..18
iii
Acknowledgements
This paper has benefitted from the valuable contribution of a number of stakeholders. We sincerely
acknowledge the contribution of the Bulawayo City Council’s Public Relations Section which provided
invaluable insight in this project. Councilor Gideon Mangena who is also the Chairperson of the
Bulawayo City Council’s Future Water Supplies and Water Action Committee was instrumental in
providing useful information on wide ranging issues pertaining to the water services sector in Bulawayo.
We are also grateful for the contributions of civic society organizations in Bulawayo, who took their time
to assist in this important project. These include the PPRIZ, Radio Dialogue, Bulawayo Agenda, NYDT,
WILD, ZCTU, ZIMCODD, Ibhetshu LikaZulu, ZCIEA, Victory Siyanqoba, WOZA, PTUZ, Intscha.com
and CLS. Special mention is due to the other key informants, the ward 28 Councillor, Collet Ndlovu,
Reason Ngwenya (BPRA Chairperson) and Ambrose Sibindi (BPRA Organising Secretary), and civil
society leaders including Jenny Williams, Godwin Phiri, Liberty Bhebhe, Dumisani Nkomo and Mmeli
Dube. Many thanks also go to the residents of Bulawayo who attended focus groups and consultative
meetings in the various wards, giving their priceless contributions to the research. Thanks are
especially in order for the ward chairpersons and organizing secretaries who mobilized for the
meetings, taking time away from their busy schedules. Finally, we extend our gratitude to the
researchers, Mandlenkosi Maphosa and Zibusiso Dube, the staff at the Bulawayo Progressive
Residents Association (BPRA), and the Executive Council. Your dedication to this worthy cause is what
enabled this project to succeed.
iv
Dedication
This study is dedicated to the late Mr Arnold Payne who pushed a wheelbarrow full of water from
Victoria Falls to Harare, via Bulawayo in a campaign for the provision of a sustainable solution to the
water challenges in Bulawayo. May his soul rest in peace.
v
List of Acronyms and Abbreviations
AIDS
APF
BCC
BPRA
CAWP
CRIDF
EMA
GoZ
ICSECR
IWRM
IT
IWA
KL
M3
MDGs
NRW
PPWM
UK
WHO
WSP
ZINWA
Acquired Immuno-Deficiency Syndrome
Anti-Privatisation Forum
Bulawayo City Council
Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association
Coalition Against Water Privatisation
Climate Resilience Infrastructure Development
Facility
Environment Management Authority
Government of Zimbabwe
International Covenant on Social Economic and
Cultural Rights
Integrated Water Resources Management
Information Technology
International Water Association
Kilolitres
Cubic Metres
Millennium Development Goals
Non Revenue Water
Prepaid Water Meters
United Kingdom
World Health Organisation
Water and Sanitation Programme
Zimbabwe National Water Authority
vi
Foreword
The purpose of this position paper is to publicise the findings of a research by the Bulawayo
Progressive Residents Association (BPRA) on the suitability of prepaid water meters as a means of
water management in Bulawayo. It also seeks to generate debate on the merits and demerits of
prepaid water metering in Zimbabwe’s socio-economic context. To be sure, the Bulawayo City Council
(BCC) resolved in 2013 to introduce prepaid water meters as a solution for the revenue problems faced
by the local authority in the backdrop of failure by residents, government entities and the business
community to settle water bills. The local authority reasoned that prepaid water meters would force the
stakeholders to pay hence solving the city’s financial problems.
As a stakeholder in local governance and service delivery in Bulawayo, and with an interest in
protecting the welfare of the residents of Bulawayo, BPRA saw it fit to undertake research to ascertain
the suitability of prepaid water meters in Zimbabwe in general, but Bulawayo in particular. BPRA views
water management systems and policies as very critical and requiring rigorous research and analysis
as water is not only central to human life and dignity, but also recognised as a right in international law
and in Chapter 4, Section 77a of the Zimbabwean constitution.
In terms of methodology, the research was qualitative in nature, with focus group discussions, key
informant interviews and consultative meetings employed for purposes of data collection. Extensive
literature review on use of prepaid water meters in other African countries was also carried out, with
main focus on case studies in South Africa, Namibia, Malawi, Kenya, Zambia, Uganda and
Mozambique.
The research found that prepaid metering systems are at odds with Zimbabwe’s socio-economic and
cultural context and would be problematic as they would lead to an affront on the right to water,
particularly for poor people who would not always be able to purchase water upfront. It also found that
the prepayment system proposed by the Bulawayo City Council has not been well thought out, with no
adequate research carried out, and no consultation with residents and other users and deploys an
economically unviable solution to attempt to address a misdiagnosis. The paper thus recommends that
the Bulawayo City Council should rescind its decision to introduce prepaid water meters. If need be, the
prepayment system can be used for government entities and commercial entities and companies that
use water for more than the basic requirements.
It is hoped that this position paper shall be used as a basis for decision making at not only the level of
the Bulawayo City Council, but at a national level as well in issues of water management policy. Indeed
this paper is a first of its kind in attempting to draw a nexus between water management in local
authorities and national water policy within the context of the right to water in Zimbabwe.
Rodrick Fayayo
Coordinator, Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association
vii
Executive Summary
According to the International Water Association, “access to good, safe and reliable drinking water is
one of the most basic needs of human society and as such requires integrated approach, close
cooperation and partnership between all stakeholders” (International Water Association 2004). Locally,
under the Social Services Cluster in the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic
Transformation (ZIMASSET), Zimbabwe’s blueprint for development until 2018, the government
commits to undertake programs to improve access to water and sanitation. Furthermore, section 77a of
the Constitution of Zimbabwe, provides that “every person has a right to, safe, clean and potable
water”. Working towards the realisation of this right is a challenge for most service providers as it entails
balancing logistical and economic considerations. For the City of Bulawayo, the challenges are even
more pronounced given that the City “is a perennially arid area in which water is often a scarce
resource”. Coupled with unfavourable hydro-climatic conditions is the issue of a growing population
which is not being matched with a corresponding expansion in the City’s water supply infrastructure.
In late 2013, the Bulawayo City Council made a resolution to introduce prepaid water meters as a water
management tool in Bulawayo, with the project to be piloted in Cowdray Park’s Hlalani Kuhle/Garikayi
area. The introduction of prepaid water meters has stirred debate and demonstrations in the City and
beyond. Regrettably, the City Council is appearing to be forging ahead with the project in spite of
spirited resistance mainly from residents with the support of civil society organizations. The central
government has also made pronouncements clearly showing that the issue of prepaid water metering is
now at the core of Zimbabwe’s urban water supply and management policy. While prepaid water
metering is not a new phenomenon in Africa, it is however new in Zimbabwe thus warranting proper
consultation with users. In light of these developments in the water sector and recognizing the
centrality of water in all social and economic activities, BPRA commissioned a study to
comprehensively examine the implications of the introduction of prepaid water meters.
The purpose of this paper is thus to document the results of the research that BPRA has conducted on
the suitability of the prepaid water meters as a means of water management in Bulawayo. The study
sought information relating to water affordability and access, water quality, water as a human right and
general problems encountered in the water services sector.
The paper is based on a study carried out in the City of Bulawayo from November 2014 to March 2015.
The study was purely qualitative. Data was gathered through key informant interviews, focus group
discussions and consultative meetings with BPRA in Bulawayo’s 29 wards. To complement data
gathered through fieldwork, desk review of literature was done to evaluate the extent to which water
service provision in Bulawayo conforms to regional and international best practices.
The key findings of this study are that the decision of the City Council to introduce pre-paid water
meters is inspired more by the need for cost recovery. The Council is anticipating improved revenue
collection through the introduction of prepaid water meters. Thus prepaid water meters are expected to
improve consumer metering and billing, improve water demand management, improve accountability
viii
and improve customer confidence and willingness to pay amongst other things. In spite of these
perceived advantages the study revealed that the introduction of prepaid water meters infringes on poor
people’s right to access potable drinking water; the obtaining socio-economic environment in the
country in general and the city in particular do not augur well for the introduction of punitive water
demand management tools such as prepaid water meters; basing on precedents in other countries the
introduction of prepaid water meters will have adverse social, economic and environmental implications;
the capital expenditure levels linked to prepaid water meters do not justify their use as a cost recovery
tool.
Evidently, the project does not augur well in the context of Zimbabwe’s socio-economic context where a
large proportion of the populace is struggling to make ends meet owing to high unemployment and lack
of or poor remuneration of workers. It is prudent in light of the conducted research for the Bulawayo
City Council to revise its prepaid water metering project. The prepaid water meters can be employed for
government and commercial entities that generate sufficient income and use water for more than the
basic needs and survival. In the meantime, other methods of improving payment of bills by residents
should be employed.
ix
Introduction
“...I will not rest until my vision of bringing water from Zambezi has been fulfilled. To me age is
irrelevant. I am young at heart when it comes to water issues. I will walk for water again one
day.” – Arnold Payne
In its introduction, the Zimbabwe Agenda For Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation (ZIMASSET)
document makes a bold declaration that “the blue-print will be focused on a People Centred
Government that prides itself in promoting equitable development and prosperity for all Zimbabweans”
(Government of Zimbabwe, 2013:12). However, not long after making this promise, the Government of
Zimbabwe (GoZ) and its local authorities had already made a volte-face by pushing through a new
water management tool in the form of Pre-paid Water Meters. The proposed introduction of PPWMs by
a number of local authorities, by own volition and at the behest of the Ministry of Environment, Water
and Climate in spite of spirited opposition by residents and civil society organisations and worsening
socio-economic environment begs the question of whether or not the GoZ still believes in a people
centred Government? More so, it begs the question of whether a government promoting PPWMs can
be viewed as a promoter of “equitable development and prosperity to all Zimbabweans”.
The Bulawayo City Council is one of the local authorities that has proposed introduction of PPWMs. In
late 2013, the local authority made a resolution to introduce prepaid water meters as a water
management system in Bulawayo, with the project to be piloted in Cowdray Park’s Hlalani Kuhle area.
The Council mooted the project, ostensibly to solve challenges with revenue flows to the local
authority’s coffers caused by low payment rates by debtors. The project has already kicked off, with the
prepaid meter boxes already in place in Cowdray Park. This is in spite of the controversy that has
arisen as a response to the project, those supporting it arguing that it will ensure viability of the Council
and ensure improved water services while those opposed to it argue it is an infringement on the
fundamental human right to access to clean and safe water.
The use of prepaid water meters is not new in Sub Saharan African countries with some local
governments opting for them as a means to ensure cost recovery and better debt management in
recent years. Prepaid Water Meters (PPWMs) are in use in about 20 African countries. Some of the
cities that have implemented prepayment meters to varying degrees include Lusaka, Mogale, Kampala,
Maseru, Nairobi, Windhoek, Nakuru in Kenya, Johannesburg and Durban 1. However, even in these
cities the implementation of PPWMs has not been without controversy. The most widely publicised
issue is that of Phiri residents who took the City of Johannesburg to court over imposition of PPWMs
against the wishes of the residents. Some research effort has been expended in unravelling the effects
of PPWMs in poor communities in some of the above mentioned cities. Most of this research has been
done in South Africa which has taken the lead in use of prepaid meters in the continent. South Africa is
a global leader in the use of prepaid water meter technology with six of the eight million users of
PPWMs found in that country.
1
See Heymans, Eales and Franceys, 2014 The Limits and Possibilities of Prepaid water in
Urban Africa: Lessons from the field
1
PPWMs are however new in Zimbabwe thus warranting a debate so that people better understand their
merits and demerits. The purpose of this paper is to document the results of the research that BPRA
conducted on the suitability of PPWMs as a means of water management in Bulawayo. The paper
reviews relevant literature on the perceived merits and demerits of PPWMs from case studies of similar
projects in mainly South Africa, Namibia, Kenya, Zambia, Uganda and Mozambique. The paper also
problematises the possible effects of turning to the proposed system in the context of Zimbabwe’s
socio-political environment. It then goes on to proffer recommendations.
The study was purely qualitative in its design so as to delve into issues of interests, perceptions and
nuances related to the issue under investigation. Data was gathered through key informant interviews
including key Council officials such as the Chairperson of the BCC’s Future Water Supplies and Water
Action Committee and the Public relations section. On the residents’ side the study solicited for
information through consultative meetings with residents’ leaders in the City’s 29 wards. The key
informant interviews, focus groups and the consultative meetings sought information on water
affordability and access, PPWMs, water quality, billing, accountability, water as a human right and
general problems encountered in the water services sector. To complement data gathered through
fieldwork, desk review of literature was done to evaluate the extent to which water service provision in
Bulawayo conforms to regional and international best practices.
It is useful to note that residents have differing positions on the introduction of prepaid water meters,
depending mainly on their income levels. High income earners and middle class people have
expressed support for the devices, while the majority of the urban poor have expressed fear that
PPWMs will flout their right to water.
Contexts, Concepts and Scope
According to the International Water Association (2004), “access to good, safe and reliable drinking
water is one of the most basic needs of human society and as such requires integrated approach, close
cooperation and partnership between all stakeholders”. Furthermore, according to the new constitution
of Zimbabwe, chapter 4 section 77b (a) “every person has a right to, safe, clean and potable water”
(GoZ, 2013:38).Working towards the realisation of this right is a challenge for most service providers as
it entails balancing logistical and economic considerations. The water sector like all other sectors has
been affected by the economic meltdown that characterised the country in the first decade after the turn
of the millennium. Notably, Bulawayo has a modest annual budget (US$156m in 2014) and a
staggering formal unemployment rate of 90%. Moreover, the city is facing a number of water
management challenges as dams are silting, water distribution infrastructure is crumbling, and
inadequate pumping capacity being compounded by erratic power supplies (Adam International, 2014).
The challenges are even more pronounced given that the City “is a perennially arid area in which water
is often a scarce resource” (Musemwa, 2004:6).
The average rainfall in Bulawayo is about 588mm per annum largely confined to the summer months
beginning late October and ending around March. The rainfall is highly variable and erratic with the City
experiencing droughts with increasing frequencies (Mabiza et al, 2008). Coupled with unfavourable
hydro-climatic conditions is the issue of a growing population which is not being matched with a
2
corresponding expansion in the City’s water supply infrastructure. The last dam to be commissioned for
the City was Insiza dam in 1976. However, the population has since trebled from then. According to
Zimstats (2012) Bulawayo has a total of 167 092 households and a population of 655 675. According to
the Chairperson of the Future Water Supplies and Water Action Committee the City supply dams can
no longer cope with the increased demand for water as so many new suburbs have been developed
since 1976 (Councillor Mangena Interview, 17/12/14). The Chairperson noted that the colonial
government used to build a dam every ten years yet the current government has not built even a single
one. He argued that Mtshabezi Dam was actually built for Gwanda and not Bulawayo (Councillor
Mangena Interview, 17/12/14). Even though Bulawayo has high levels of households accessing
portable water the access is limited because there is a long running water rationing scheme. At times
access to water is denied through water shedding programmes. In 2012, for instance, some residents
said they could go for up to 96 hours without any water supply. “The city's water challenges involve a
potent mix of politics, geography and climatic challenges. A string of uncompleted and shelved water
projects have led residents to feel marginalised as they accuse the government of stalling the ambitious
....Matabeleland Zambezi water project (initially mooted almost a century ago)” (Adam Smith
International, 2014).
To augment water supply to the City, the Council and its development partners has embarked on a
number of projects such as the commissioning of the Nyamandlovu aquifer and Mtshabezi dam, the
Bulawayo Water and Sanitation Emergency Response (BOWSER) programme. Additionally, the
Council is planning to duplicate the Insiza pipeline to Ncema dam and drill boreholes at Epping Forest
(Councillor Mangena, Interview & BCC Public Relations Officials: 17/12/14).
Against this backdrop, the BCC in agreement with the central government passed a resolution to roll
out PPWMs in the city. The Minister of Water Resources Management and Development, Saviour
Kasukuwere has also publicly pushed for the implementation of PPWMs in all the major urban centres
of Zimbabwe. This is a worrying development given the contextual analysis just proffered in the
foregoing discussion which vividly paints a citizenry in dire straits where issues of employment are
concerned. The PPWM initiative comes just after the rolling out of prepaid electricity meters, the
introduction of tollgates and the ‘threat’ to roll out urban tolling on the roads. These initiatives point to a
state that is shifting from a developmental path that is anchored on the distributive justice framework
(welfare and social equity) to one that is underpinned by efficiency and market orientation (procedural
justice framework). It is imperative to also note that there is a huge difference between prepaid water
meters and prepaid electricity meters. This is because there are substitutes for electricity such as
firewood, candles, gas stoves, solar and paraffin that people without money to purchase electricity can
use. But there is no substitute for water that those without money to purchase water credit can use.
Arguably PPWMs an extension of the commoditisation of water with users expected to pay upfront
before having access to water services. As is the norm with commodities, the service is excluded for
those who fail to pay. There are several types of prepaid water meters but the underlying principle is
the same. These include stand pipes that are used for communal taps and personal prepaid water
meters that are installed in individual households. If you cannot pay upfront, you are unable to access
water. Pre-paid water meters work very much like pre-paid cell phones: People buy a card with a credit
3
corresponding to a certain amount of water.2 When the card is inserted into a machine - either a
household's water meter or at a public fountain - water can be tapped until the card is empty.
Prepaid meters are normally introduced as a panacea for water management problems such as failure
to efficiently administer free water, problems with cost recovery and difficulties controlling the wastage
of water. They are essentially viewed as the solution to most water management problems in cities and
towns.3
Studies reveal that in most countries cost recovery is the primary aim for the installation of pre-paid
meters. The emphasis to recover costs is primarily driven by neoliberalism and market forces4. The
management dilemma of applying cost recovery principles in the provision of essential services is that it
has its inherent negative social effects on one hand whilst on the other it offers prospects for ensuring
the sustainability of water services. “Critics argue that under cost recovery, citizens’ rights are confused
with consumer rights, implying that water users can only exercise their rights to access the services if
they can afford to pay for the services. Those who cannot afford to pay are therefore excluded” (Berg
and Mugisha, 2009:6). Exclusion has social and economic consequences. It is these consequences
that this paper will bring into the fore.
Picture 1 – Left: A Prepaid Water Meter Installed in Cowdray Park Hlalani Kuhle; Right: A woman
collects water from a public stand pipe in Kawempe, Kampala in Uganda. This is similar to the
prepaid water meters that have been put up in Cowdray Park Hlalani Kuhle
2
See Johannessen, C. (2008) http://www.oikoumene.org/en/press-centre/news/pay-up-at-the-tap-pre-paidwater-meters-put-the-poor-at-risk
3
See Kumwenda. M. K (2006) Prepaid Water Metering: Social Experiences and Lessons Learned from Kliepwel
Pilot Project, South Africa – M.Phil Dissertation, University of the Western Cape.
4
Kumwenda, M.K. (2006) Pre-paid water metering: social experiences and lessons learned from klipheuwel
pilot project, South Africa.
4
Case of Cowdray Park Township
As noted above, PPWMs are poised to be first introduced in Cowdray Park’s Hlalani Kuhle township.
Cowdray Park’s Hlalani Kuhle residential area came into being in 2006 as part of the government’s
operation Garikayi/Hlalani Kuhle Project. The project was meant to resettle people who had lost their
properties in the government’s Operation Murambatsvina, a blitz against what it termed illegal
settlements and structures in 2005, where it is estimated that over 200 000 people were displaced
(Mpofu 2014; Solidarity Peace Trust 2006). Also, an estimated 90 000 informal traders had their
businesses halted by the Operation. According to the United Nations Special Envoy, Anna Tibaijuka,
over 3 million Zimbabweans were affected by the blitz in one way or another (Solidarity Peace Trust
2006). These included families living in backyard shacks and illegal settlements not approved by local
authorities in those areas. Operation Garikayi/Hlalani Kuhle was then implemented to find the victims of
Murambatsvina alternative places to settle following widespread alarm at the human rights abuses
brought about by the exercise.
In Bulawayo, Operation Garikayi/Hlalani Kuhle was implemented in Cowdray Park. The people who
benefitted from the project included mainly the victims of Operation Murambatsvina, people who fit
mostly in the low income bracket and qualify as people living in poverty. Other beneficiaries included
workers in the industrial sites in Bulawayo such as Cotton Printers, National Blankets and Archers
clothing to name a few. Most of these companies have since closed in recent years as Bulawayo has
suffered from rapid de-industrialisation. This means that most of the families living in Cowdray Park’s
Hlalani Kuhle area are headed by people who are unemployed or seeking to make ends meet in the
informal sector through vending and other such activities. Other beneficiaries included co-operations of
groupings such as the disabled. Research in Cowdray Park’s Hlalani Kuhle area revealed that there are
communities of people living with disability such as those living with blindness, those who move through
aid of wheel chairs and crutches, and those who live with disabilities in speech and hearing. It is in this
area, populated by the poorest of the poor where the Bulawayo City Council intends to pilot prepaid
water meters.
In the view of the local authority, it is prudent to introduce prepaid water meters in Cowdray Park as
water in the area is not metered, which leads to people wasting it, and other small businesses such as
brick makers hoarding it (Mpofu 2014). As a result, the Bulawayo City Council has lost a lot of water in
Cowdray Park’s Hlalani Kuhle area, hence the decision to pilot prepaid water meters in the area.
5
Picture 2 – Life in Cowdray Park Hlalani Kuhle. Left: Some of the Housing structures in Cowdray Park
Hlalani Kuhle; Right: Two women coming from collecting water.
Pro-Prepaid Water Meters Arguments
Revenue Collection Argument
The Bulawayo City Council has argued that installation of prepaid water meters is the only way to
ensure improved revenue collection by the local authority. Through use of the devices, the local
authority believes that it can have sufficient revenue flows to fund water provision and other services in
Bulawayo. Essentially, proponents of PPWMs believe that they can solve most problems associated
with water administration and management due to the following advantages associated with them:

They deal with the problem of people who are irresponsible and do not want to pay their bills
without being pushed;

They are a means to recover debt as they provide a means by which local authorities can force
those who owe them to pay. They enable this by allowing a certain percentage of money paid
to purchase water units to be allocated towards servicing an existing debt [similar to what the
Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority did when it introduced prepaid electricity meters];

Improved quality of service and infrastructure maintenance due to increased revenue flows for
the local authority; and

Enable people to take charge of their water use.
6
It is evident that from the viewpoint of BCC, PPWMs are a simple means to implement cost-recovery
without having to deal with costly customer relations such as billing and collecting fees (CAWP, 2004: 4
in Legodi, 2008)5 as well as to correct problems caused by inaccurate water readings. PPWMs are thus
viewed as a practical means to ensure cost recovery through improved revenue collections, debt
recovery and effective demand management. PPWMs have also been seen as a means to avoid the
conflicts and logistical challenges caused by disconnecting the water supplies of residents in arrears to
compel them to pay or the seizing of their properties for auctioning to recover debts, which is common
with the current water management system.
Viability Argument
The Bulawayo City Council (BCC) also argues that PPWMs are the only way of ensuring the viability of
the institution. They argue that use of conventional meters has negatively affected the viability of the
city council as people are not paying their bills, leading to the authority failing to operate viably. In an
article in the Sunday News supporting the Bulawayo City Council’s move to introduce a prepaid
metering system, Moyo (2015) concurs with the reasoning of the city council. He argues that that the
reason why people are not paying their water bills is that they are irresponsible, not that they do not
have adequate income to do so (Moyo 2015). In this context, Moyo holds that a prepayment system is
the best way to ensure that the local authority has sufficient funds to carry out its mandate to provide
services. He further argues that residents are capable of paying for water in advance as they are able
to pay for other services in advance such as electricity and airtime. He buttresses his argument by
pointing out that the city council will ensure a certain amount of free water to cushion those who are
vulnerable, and also that there are boreholes in place for those who cannot afford to pay for water.
5
See Legodi, P.M. (2008) Community Struggles Concerning ‘Prepaid’ Water Meters in Phiri- M.A. dissertation,
Wits, South Africa
7
Table 1 below summarises the BCC’s argument for installation of PPWMs.
Table 1: Advantages of prepaid water meters
To local authority
To consumers
Improve the consumer metering and the
billing system
It puts you in control of your budget
To eliminate air ingress
No more surprises caused by high water
accounts or bills
To improve water demand management
Only pay for what you use
To improve accountability
You can buy water to suit your pocket
To improve customer confidence and Your water
willingness to pay
unexpectedly
will
not
be
cut
off
To reduce administration costs
The system ensures that leaks do not go
undetected for too long
Cost of maintenance of water meters easier
and convenient
There is less administration and the
savings costs helps to keep prices
affordable.
Adapted from N. Mpofu in the Southern Eye, 2014
Those who support the introduction of prepaid water meters as a means of water management in local
authorities view them as important for three main reasons. Firstly, they argue that PPWMs ensure
increased revenue collection as water users are forced to pay for water upfront. Second, they posit that
PPWMs ensure viability of local authorities, through increased revenue flows, thus enabling local
authorities to operate more viably. Last, they say PPWMs are a means to ensure more prudent
disbursement of free basic water in the face of complications in administering free water using
conventional water meters. However, these assumptions are hotly disputed by the water users in
Bulawayo. The following section presents the criticism levelled against the introduction of PPWMs in
Bulawayo.
8
Anti-Prepaid Water Meters Arguments
The residents of Bulawayo consulted for this study are dismissive of PPWMs. They argue that PPWMs
pose a threat to the right to water, particularly for the poor who would not always have the money to
purchase water credits in advance. In this context, PPWMs exacerbate inequalities and conserve water
in a cruel manner, punishing the poor while the wealthy can use as much water as they want. They also
point out that prepaid water meters proffer the message that the rich can use as much water as they
want, while the poor may go without water.
Some of the perceived disadvantages of PPWMs as experienced in other sub Saharan African cities
include that:

PPWMs punish those unable to constantly purchase water. They are thus exclusionary in
nature;

They are capital intensive. Given the high investment costs associated with installation of prepaid meters, it is debatable whether they can take the lead in promoting cost recovery
compared to conventional post paid water meters;

They subvert administrative and procedural justice processes by reducing disconnection
visibility;

Customers must keep checking the balance left on the meter, or risk running out of water;

Where payment is by way of a recharge card, access to a recharge point may not be
convenient, they may not be open at all hours, and for some customers there may be costs
involved in getting there;

They work well in situations where there is assured constant supply of water; and

They have a limited lifespan.
As noted earlier, in supporting the motion to introduce the devices in Bulawayo, councillors extolled the
devices as the panacea to financial challenges being faced by the local authority as ratepayers were
increasingly unable to settle their bills. It is in the context of the country’s economic challenges
characterised by unemployment estimated at over 80 percent and failure by companies to pay workers
well which has resulted in poor people not having sufficient income to pay for basics.
Contrary to the revenue collection and affordability arguments, cost recovery does not work well in poor
communities (Kumwenda 2006). This is mainly because affordability is the main constraint leading to
9
non-payment of municipal services, not a culture of not wanting to pay at the council argues. According
to a study carried out in Khayelitsha, Cape Town in South Africa, cost recovery through cut-offs, as
would happen with use of prepaid water meters, causes poor people to stay without access to services
(Kumwenda, 2006). The requirement to purchase water upfront becomes a barrier preventing the poor
from accessing water. Thus the PPWM initiative is an affront to government’s declared objective of
improving the living standards of the citizenry as highlighted under Zim Asset (GoZ, 2013). More so, the
initiative is an antithesis to government’s goal of improving access to water and sanitation services as
reflected in the Social Services and Poverty Reduction Cluster. PPWMs are likely to restrict access to
water services by the poor.
In the context of Zimbabwe’s economic situation, most people fall in the low income bracket and are
classified as poor. For instance, a 2014 Finscope Survey found that 65 percent of the adult population
in Zimbabwe earns $100 or less per month, with 44 percent of the population having to skip meals
because of lack of money for food (Newsday 2015). This means that instead of increasing revenues,
the Bulawayo City Council’s prepaid water meters project would only deny most residents access to
water. Cost recovery through prepaid water meters would also instead of enhancing revenues lead to
illegal re-connection of water services and even vandalism of water infrastructure such as water pipes
as those who cannot afford to purchase water units seek alternative water sources (Heymans et al
2013). In extreme cases it can lead to the poor using unsafe sources of water such as stagnant pools,
posing public health threats.
Moreover, findings of this study indicate that the project lacks economic sense as it would take over five
years for the local authority to recover investments in the system. The average household in Bulawayo,
barring billing system errors is charged around five dollars for water consumption monthly. Ironically,
according to information from the Mayor of Bulawayo, Councillor Martin Moyo, it costs about 250 dollars
to purchase a single prepaid water meter. Using this as the basis of analysis, it would take over four
years to recover money used to put up the prepaid metering system. This is before factoring in costs of
loan interests, vending costs and high maintenance costs of prepaid water meters. To put this in
perspective, the lifespan of prepaid water meters is five to seven years.
Heymans et al (2014) put it more succinctly, arguing that:
The cost-recovery potential of prepaid water meters is not straight forward as many of the
protagonists assume. Prepaid water meters bring their own sets of problems: high cost of
installation; the fact that prepaid water meters can develop faults that deliver free water or
can be by-passed or vandalised when monitoring and follow up are neglected, which opens the
way for NRW losses, technical shortcomings, including inaccurate readings when water
pressure is variable; and so on. In addition the opportunity cost of big investments is high, as
the real working life of prepaid water meters is only about 5-7 years compared to the 15 to 20
years for conventional meters.
The findings of this study show that PPWMs are a solution to a non- existent problem. If anything the
Council is barking up the wrong tree, for the study shows that non payment for water services is not the
biggest challenge facing the Council where water services are concerned. Instead, the Council is faced
with a huge challenge of reducing levels of Non Revenue water. Currently non-revenue water accounts
for 69% of water produced. To put this percentage into perspective, of the 156 425 kilolitres (KL) of
water pumped on a daily basis, 87 296 KL are lost. Of these losses, 59 715KL are real losses i.e. water
10
losses dues to leakages on transmission and/or distribution mains, leakage and overflows on storage
facilities and leakages on service connections.6 To put these water losses in a financial perspective
using the conservative first block tariff level of $0.75/KL it means the City council is losing $44 786.25
on a daily basis, $1 388 373.75 on a monthly basis and a staggering $16 660 485 annually.
This view is buttressed by Phiri (2015) in an opinion article penned in Zimbabwe’s Sunday News
newspaper in January 2015. How, asks Phiri (2015), can the Bulawayo City Council (BCC) invest so
much money in a prepaid water metering project when it is giving each household in Bulawayo 5000 KL
of free water. The quintessential question is what use will those meters be, and how long will it take to
recover the money invested in the project since BCC officials themselves have pointed out that the
average household in Bulawayo uses about 4000 KL of water per month? Based on this analysis, and
factoring in the projected cost of the prepaid water meters, Phiri then concludes that the prepaid
metering project makes no economic sense, unless some official is expecting to benefit in monetary
terms from the installation of the water meters (Phiri 2015). He argues that not only are the prepaid
water meters unwarranted, but they are also unwanted as well, as consultations with residents in
Bulawayo and Cowdray Park where the project is to be piloted have proved. Consultations carried out
in this study revealed that residents are against installation of prepaid water meters as they believe that
the devices flout their right to water, as they would not be able to purchase water credit due to
economic challenges that have reduced the incomes of families
Water as ‘a Human Right’ Argument
As alluded to earlier on, the PPWMs are viewed as an affront to the notion of water as a human right.
Murthy (2013) notes that for many people it is almost axiomatic to describe water as a human right as it
is vital for the very existence of humans. He argues that drafters of human rights conventions and
covenants may have initially left out the right to water as they viewed spelling it out as redundant as
water is essential to human life. Perhaps this is the reason why discourse about water as a human right
is a relatively new phenomenon in rights discussions, with earlier instruments such as the International
Covenant on Social Economic and Cultural Rights (ICSECR) not spelling it out. Nonetheless, the rights
to water and sanitation are now recognised in international law, regional charters and even the
Zimbabwean constitution.
As Magaisa (2015) points out in an article on the implications of prepaid water meters to human rights,
the right to water is guaranteed in section 77 of Zimbabwe’s constitution which provides that “every
person has the right to safe, clean and portable water” and that “the state must take reasonable
legislative and other measures, within the limits of the resources available to it, to achieve the
progressive realisation of this right.” Magaisa (2015) notes that the right to water is not absolute, but
qualified by the notion that that the State is “required to achieve a progressive realisation of this right”
and this “within the limits of the resources available to it. He however, argues that it is important to note
that the State has a mandatory obligation to “take reasonable legislative and other measures” to ensure
6
See Dube, N. (2014) http://www.academia.edu/8285599/Reduction_of_NonRevenue_water_as_a_water_demand_management_strategy_Case_Study_
11
the protection of the right. The state, and by extension the BCC should thus demonstrate that there are
enough safeguards in the use of PPWMs to ensure that the poor are not denied access to water. Since
PPWMs cut off access once credit runs out, and will not let water out until payment is made, it follows
that prepaid water meters flout the right to water as people without money at the moment water has run
out would be denied access. They are thus at odds with Zimbabwe’s constitution.
In fact, the current discourse on water and sanitation as a human right arose as a response to the
failure of private companies in water management in poor areas. Even where the system did not fail,
there were many rights flouted, resulting in protests and even litigation as happened in the case of
Phiri, South Africa where the city of Johannesburg was taken to court over prepaid water meters
(Murthy 20113). Policy makers have generally been realising that unregulated private service providers
would not have the incentive to ensure access to water and sanitation for all, posing a threat to the right
to water.
Studies indicate that PPWMs punish the poor who often cannot afford to purchase adequate water
units to meet their water requirements. They thus impede on the right to access to water for all. The
counter argument to this proposition is that the Council already has an in-built social protection
mechanism in its billing system where the first 5m 3 water supplied in a calendar month are dispensed
free of charge. Five thousand litres of water per month translates into approximately 160 litres per day,
which is as eight buckets of 20 litres of water per day. A major problem with this system of allocating
water is that it ignores the housing arrangements obtaining in the City where because of
accommodation shortages there are many (e.g. 38% households have lodgers) 7 cases of a household
with more than one family or households made up of extended families. It can be said with a degree of
certainty that in most cases this volume of water will be inadequate for all of their basic needs in a
domestic context. Using the WHO 2003 guidelines on domestic water quantity, service and level of
health such an allocation is in-between basic and intermediate consumption levels. According to WHO
(2003) intermediate consumption is 50 litres per day per person and assure hygiene i.e. personal and
food hygiene. The level of health concern at these levels of consumption is low. The World Health
Organisation goes on to highlight that 100 litres of water per person per day are needed in order for an
individual to lead a healthy life.8 This estimate is not inclusive of water requirements for growing food or
for emergencies.
Magaisa (2015) also points out that the other issue relating to human rights is that PPWMs lead to
immediate disconnection when one has no money to purchase further units. Naturally this means that
poor people will find themselves facing long periods without water. Legally, PPWMs are also
considered to circumvent certain procedural requirements necessary to disconnect water supply due to
non-payment. Legal procedures relating to disconnection of users who fail to pay water bills are flouted
by introduction of PPWMs. Conventionally, users should be informed by the local authority of intention
to disconnect water in advance. The use of prepaid water meters that disconnect automatically violates
the right to due process thus denying residents administrative justice. The introduction of the prepaid
water meter technology redefines the relationship between the state and its citizens. According to Von
Schintzler, (2008:913) :
7
8
See Zimstats 2012 Provincial Report for Bulawayo province
See WHO (2003) Domestic Water Quantity, Service level and Health
12
a prepaid meter imposes a new temporality on transactions between utilities and residents. It is now the
user who extends credit to the utility and receives service only upon the provision of such credit. The
regular monthly or quarterly cycle of billing is replaced by an instantaneous payment/consumption
dynamic that renders the relationship of payment provisional and temporary; much like a transaction of
market exchange, in which a product is paid for before receipt, and where the relationship between
buyer and seller is a temporary one. This linkage of mistrust and provisionality inherent in prepayment
technology reformulates the social contract between citizens and the state, producing a relationship with
the state which has to be renewed by residents every month.
According to Magaisa (2015), in addition to flouting the right to water, the prepaid water meter project in
Bulawayo is in violation of the rights of residents to participate in critical policy formulation processes.
The National Objective on National Development, as provided in Section 13 of the Zimbabwean
constitution provides that:
(1) the state and all institutions and agencies of government at every level must endeavour to facilitate
rapid and equitable development...
(2) Measures referred to in this section must involve the people in the formulation and implementation
of development plans and programmes that affect them.
Box 1
Water as a Human – Summary of Key Issues
- The right to water is recognised by international statutes and
instruments under the auspices of the United Nations
- Zimbabwe’s Constitution, in Chapter 4, Section 77a provides that
“every person has the right to safe, clean and portable water”
and that “the state must take reasonable legislative and other
measures, within the limits of available resources to it, to
achieve the progressive realisation of this right
- By their nature PPWMs, that disconnect access to water once
there is no credit are an affront on the right to water, especially
for the poor who may not have money to buy more credit
- The PPWMs policy in Bulawayo was also implemented in
violation of the Zimbabwe Constitution which provides for
citizens to be included in formulation and implementation of
development plans and policies that affect them (Section 13 of
the Constitution
Lack of Consultation Argument
The findings of this study revealed that the Bulawayo City Council did not carry out consultations or
involve the residents of Bulawayo before moving the motion to introduce prepaid water meters as a
water management system in Bulawayo. This is a violation of Zimbabwe’s constitution and an affront on
the rights of the residents of Bulawayo to participate in the key processes of decision making in the city.
The decision to install prepaid water meters was unilaterally made by councillors after the idea was sold
to them by a vendor selling the system. There was no participation of citizens in the process of coming
up with the prepaid water meters policy, with no concerted effort to gather the views of residents
13
undertaken. Ironically, one of the strategies of improving service delivery by local authorities as
indicated under Zim Asset in the Social Services and Poverty Reduction Cluster is that of effective
community engagement.
Lack of consultation of residents on the decision to introduce prepaid water meters led to protests led
by civil society and the residents’ organisations in Bulawayo. It is imperative to note that development
initiatives, or what are perceived to be development initiatives that are imposed upon citizens often face
resistance. This is more so if no adequate research has been undertaken and if important social,
economic and cultural contexts have been ignored. Prepaid metering projects imposed upon
communities have in particular had negative consequences, often resulting in protests. In
Johannesburg, South Africa there were extensive protests and conflicts between the City of
Johannesburg and the residents of Phiri and Orange Farm in Soweto after the former, through its water
management company, Johannesburg Water, moved to introduce prepaid water meters in the two
areas (Barnes 2009).
Notably in South Africa, the skirmishes and conflict came to be termed ‘water wars’ and included violent
protests, destruction of installed prepaid water meters and litigation as residents sought to get the
authorities to reverse the decision to introduce the devices. As with Bulawayo’s prepaid water metering
project, the projects in Johannesburg faced resistance due to concerns about lack of participation of
residents in coming up with the decision, and concerns that the devices would exacerbate inequalities
and flout the right of the poor to water (Barnes 2009). It is important to draw parallels between the
resistance of Johannesburg residents to the prepaid water metering system and that of Bulawayo.
Since resistance in Johannesburg was militant in nature, with methods involving pickets and graffiti
slogans and destruction of prepaid water meters, it is logical to expect similar protests to erupt in
Bulawayo
Already, a movement of residents and civil society has joined to reject prepaid water meters in
Bulawayo and is mobilising people to participate in activities to encourage the Bulawayo City Council to
rescind the decision to introduce the prepaid water meters. This on-going campaign is being dubbed
the Right to Water Campaign, and its main focus so far has been on the issue of prepaid water
metering. Among the activities held was a massive demonstration, unprecedented in Bulawayo’s recent
past where over a thousand residents thronged the streets protesting against prepaid water meters.
The protests were organised by BPRA, with sixteen Civic Society Organisations (CSOs) in Bulawayo
participating and their leaders giving messages on why prepaid water meters are not suitable as a
mechanism of water management in not only Bulawayo, but in Zimbabwe as a whole.
The demonstration was held on 14 November 2014, and made it into the headlines of major
mainstream media outlets in the proceeding couple of days, igniting a debate on the suitability of the
prepaid water metering project in Zimbabwe’s socio-economic and cultural context (Chronicle 15
November 2014; Southern Eye 16 November 2014; NewZimbabwe 2014). While the demonstrations
were peaceful in nature due to the vigilance of the civil society leaders, militant slogans such as Into
Eliyenzayo Siyayizonda (We Dont Like What You Are Doing) and Yindaba Enjani Eyehlula Amadoda
(What Kind of Problem Cant Be Addressed By Men) were a key component of the demonstrations. The
youth could be seen jogging and waving placards in a militant fashion while anti-riot police monitored
the situation. Since the protests, the prepaid water metering project, which the Bulawayo City Council
14
(BCC) had hitherto downplayed and essentially hidden from the public eye, has been a constant feature
in discussions in the public sphere.
In addition to demonstrations, civil society organisations and residents have also held awareness
raising campaigns. These have included door to door campaigns and distribution of fliers and
newsletters educating residents on the negative ramifications of prepaid water meters and mobilising
them to join the resistance against the devices. Platforms for debate between residents and councillors
have also been held where residents have categorically rejected prepaid water meters and urged their
councillors to rescind the resolution to install the gadgets. At some of the meetings, residents have
reprimanded councillors for making the resolution in the first place without carrying out consultations, or
even undertaking research on the suitability of prepaid water meters in Zimbabwe’s socio-economic
and cultural climate. Residents have also expressed fears that perhaps councillors were being
hoodwinked by influential people who want to benefit in financial terms from the implementation of a
project that makes little political, economic and social sense.
Picture 3 – Bulawayo residents demonstrating against prepaid water meters in front of the large city
hall on 14 November 2014
15
Implications of Prepaid Water Meters
Evidence from the research indicates that proponents of prepaid water meters often overlook their
negative implications due to their inclination towards neo-liberalism and capitalism which have
introduced a move towards commoditisation, privatisation, corporatisation and commercialisation of
water. In so doing they flout the right of poor people to access water. It would seem that BCC is making
a similar mistake, which is worsened by lack of considerations of the socio-economic context. Key
informants also note that the Bulawayo City Council is also missing the point by assuming that the only
reason why residents do not pay their bills is because they do not want to pay, yet the reality is that
most often, residents cannot afford to pay9. Despite their heralded advantages as a means of water
management, prepaid water meters have adverse social, economic and environmental implications.
Social Implications
Studies show that like any other technological invention the process of introducing prepaid water
meters should not be appreciated at a superficial level, just as a mechanical process without due
attention to the attendant social and moral undertones communicated by the same. “Viewed from this
perspective, the origins of the prepaid meter are inscribed in how the technology operates today: the
meter replaces the municipal official with a technical object, thus severing the ties of accountability to
the state.” (Von Schintzler, 2008:912) Thus for someone to enjoy access to social services extended by
the state “Inclusion in and connection to the state thus become contingent upon a successful
performance of an ethic that fuses civic duty and entrepreneurial comportment”. Put simply, the
implementation of PPWMs entrenches social inequality and poverty in society. Moreover, use of
PPWMs proffers the message that it is fine for rich people to use as much water as they can because
they can afford it, while it is right for poor people to fail to meet their basic water requirements because
they cannot afford it. Prepaid water metres force poor families to abandon gardening activities that are
essential for their subsistence while rich people have the leeway to water lawns and flowers and abuse
water for recreational purposes. They are thus discriminative and penalise the poor. More so, the use of
water prepaid meters as a water demand management tool is discriminatory. The strategy is only
directed at reducing the consumption of the poor while neglecting wastage by the wealthy.
Dube (2015) in an opinion titled “Prepaid Water Meters Unsuitable in Zimbabwe” buttresses this point,
arguing that the challenge is exacerbated by the fact that most people in Zimbabwe are by definition
poor owing to high levels of unemployment and low remuneration of workers. While acknowledging
some of the perceived advantages of prepaid water meters, Dube (2015) argues that the authorities
have failed to factor in Zimbabwe’s poorly performing economy and the fact that the country lacks any
form of subsidies or social security for the poor and vulnerable. His final verdict is that use of prepaid
water meters would lead to poor people using less water than they require for a healthy life. He thus
concludes that prepaid water meters are not suitable as a means of water management in Zimbabwe.
9
See Xali, M. (2002). They are killing us alive: A case of the impact of cost recovery on the service
provision in Makhaza Section, Khayelitsha, in D.A. McDonald, and J. Pape (eds.), Cost
recovery and the crisis of service delivery in South Africa. Cape Town: Human Sciences
Research Council, 101-119.
16
Indeed pre-paid water meters undermine public health. Due to circumstances, households choose to
decrease their consumption of water and to make difficult trade-offs between food, medicines, school
fees, transportation and other essential goods and services. Use of prepaid meters can thus lead to
outbreaks of diseases in communities where people cannot afford to purchase water units as in the
case of Madlebe in KwaZulu Natal in South Africa where a cholera outbreak claimed dozens of lives
following introduction of prepaid water meters in 2000. Poor residents in the area simply could not
afford to purchase adequate water credits, leading to outbreak of the disease. 10 In Orange farm in
South Africa, the Orange Farm Water Crisis Committee et al. (2004) as cited by Kumwenda (2006)
observed that pre-paid water meters do not reduce the wastage of water among the poor. Instead, it
forces the poor to cut on consumption for essential uses of water.
Water savings realised by using these meters is just part of the water trimmed from essential water
uses such as drinking, cooking, washing and bathing. Hence, it undermines the access and equity
criteria in Integrated Water Resources Management. Therefore, in trying to enforce payment for water
services by the poor residents, the BCC is in fact creating challenges for the health sector. It was
because of these challenges that the UKs 1998 Water Act declared prepayment meters to represent a
threat to public health and water cut-offs to be an unacceptable method of recovering outstanding debt
(LaRRI, 2004). It would not be out of this world that some poor residents would find it ‘economical’ to
practise open defecation instead of the unaffordable flush toilets.
Studies also show that PPWMs are prone to breakdowns, expensive to maintain and need regular
changing of batteries which leads to families going for time without water when municipal workers are
slow to respond to calls. The mechanical part, which has a valve that lets water through when one has
paid, is prone to breakdowns while the electronic part needs frequent battery changes. 11 In Bulawayo
where the local authority’s response to burst sewer pipes and leaking pipes has tended to be poor,
BPRA fears that responses to problems with prepaid water metres would also be poor, leading to
people facing long periods without water.
Prepaid water metres lead to regression of gains in gender equality as women and girls are often
tasked with fetching water in patriarchal society. 12 They thus miss out on important studying hours and
do not have time to participate in critical issues of politico-social importance within society e.g.
participate in political meetings. The effects of limited access to water are also more dire for women
who are pregnant or experiencing their monthly cycles. Since prepaid water meters prevent access of
water by the poor it means those without the money to augment their water credit may resort to the use
of alternative communal sources of water. “This means that they have to wait in lines to fetch some
10
See Deedat, H. and Cottle, E. (2002). Cost recovery and prepaid water meters and cholera outbreak
in Kwazulu-Natal: A case study in Madlebe, in D.A. McDonald, and J. Pape (eds.), Cost
recovery and the crisis of service delivery in South Africa. Cape Town: Human Sciences
Research Council, 81-97.
11
For further reading on some types of prepaid water meters and how they function, read chapter two of a
Masters dissertation completed by Lisanne Saes (2012) as part of her Master of Science Degree in Innovation
Studies at the Technology University of Eindhoven titled: “ Prepaid Water in Namibia: The Impact of Prepaid
Water on the Inhabitants and the Municipality of Otjiwarongo
12
According to a report by the Coalition Against Water Privatization and the Anti Privatisation Forum, penned
in 2006, titled “Lessons from the War Against Prepaid Water Meters,” women bore the brunt of use of prepaid
water metres in Phiri, Soweto
17
water, walk a distances to the water source, and at times using precious fuel to boil the water” (Legodi,
2008:29).
Another related social impact of PPWMs is that the aspect of good neighbourliness will be lost in
context where water is provided on a prepaid basis. The implementation of the prepaid water meters is
likely to erode the social capital base for the poor households. Communities traditionally share the
burden of ensuring access of water by all. With the implementation of prepayment system in the water
services sector, water is likely to be treated as an individualised market commodity thereby largely
excluding the poor from accessing it. Friendship and family networks are being frayed and solidarity is
being threatened... because individuals internalise their struggles and then vent their frustrations on
others in a similar dire situation” (Dawson, 2010:387). Dawson further gives credence to the issue of
waning neighbourliness in Soweto where some residents “began to charge passers-by a small fee if
they asked for a glass of water or to make use of the facilities: ‘When you ask for water, a cup is two
rand and if you go to the loo, they tell you they want ten rand’” (Dawson, 2010:388)
Prepaid water meters are likely to lead to the erosion of culture and community life. According to the
findings of Dawson’s (2010) research in Soweto there is a strong link between the erosion of culture,
community life and the installation of PPWMs. In Soweto residents had to reconsider performing
customary rituals associated with weddings and funerals. According to Dawson’s (2010:388) study a
number of residents “claimed that Johannesburg Water’s argument that prepaid meters would give
people an idea of how much water they use per month was ludicrous, because it was impossible to
predict how many weddings and, importantly in the context of the AIDS pandemic, how many funerals
are likely to occur during the month”.
Box 2
Social Implications of PPWMs – An Illustration
For poor people, use of PPWMs means access to less water than required
for a healthy life. Studies show that when there is insufficient access to
water, unhygienic practises proliferate. It is indicated that practises such as
daily bathing, washing of hands after use of the toilet and cleaning of living
environments is reduced. Worse, there are indications that recycling of
water, in an unhygienic sense becomes common place. In patriarchal
societies, bathing water for the father may be prioritised, but the mother
and the children may be forced to re-use water left by the father. This
poses risks of spread of diseases, and is also an affront of the dignity of
those affected.
Economic Implications
Experiences of South Africa, Namibia and Kenya show that the use of PPWMs has a number of
economic implications on the service provider and the water users. Some of these implications closely
relate to the issues discussed under the section that critiques the use of prepaid water meters as a
revenue collection tool.
18
Arguably, use of PPWMs often leads to an increase in the cost of water as it results in water being
viewed more as a commodity as opposed to a right. This change occurs because citizens, who ought to
have basic rights, begin to be viewed as customers, who ought to pay for what they need13. Research
so far indicates that the introduction of pre-paid systems can be complex and costly, especially when
quantifying all of the related costs (beyond the installation of the pre-paid meters) including the
infrastructure for selling and loading credit, software development and IT integration, customer
sensitization, vendor commissions, spare parts, customer support, etc.
Even with these costs, pre-paid systems that dispense high volumes (especially for institutional
customers, and possibly for stand-posts) can generate enough economic benefit to become attractive
to utilities, as there are no billing costs, no billing inquiries, no credit management, and no arrears to be
financed.14 Use of prepaid meters as a means to recover debt is criticized on the basis that most often it
is businesses and the government which hold the bulk of debt owed to local authorities for water. Thus
using pre-paid meters on poor communities would only recover an insignificant proportion of the debt.
Directing cost recovery at low income users does not target the real defaulters. So this begs the
question: where is the cost recovery potential in this equation? Instead of directing its cost-recovery
efforts on the poor, the WSP study is instructive in this regard as it noted that “the financial analysis
found that a typical service provider in sub-Saharan Africa would make a net revenue loss on all
prepaid metering approaches at present tariffs, except for large institutional/commercial consumers”.
More broadly, the findings indicate that the prepaid water metering project is thus a misguided project
by the BCC unless the BCC is intending to significantly raise the current water tariffs. The WSP (2014)
study notes that “Prepayment for large institutional customers, conversely, is very cost-effective. The
high cost of prepaid metering rules it out as a cost-effective remedy for billing and collection
inefficiencies, except at high consumption volumes. The investment and maintenance costs are high,
and much higher than current tariffs are designed to accommodate”. Given these facts, the BCC’s
programme of action should be very clear i.e. roll out prepaid water meters to institutional customers. In
this regard the BCC can learn from experiences of the Lusaka Water and sewerage Corporation which
installed 196 prepaid meters on government and commercial customers’ connections in
Lusaka since May 2013. Some of the institutions now equipped with PPWMs include the President’s
residence, various ministries, police and army barracks (Heyman, et al 2014). This move significantly
improved financial inflows of the Corporation.
However, even in this regard there is need for Council to be very clear about the task at hand,
especially the financial commitment involved. Given, the magnitude of Non revenue water it would be
very difficult for the Council to convince stakeholders on the need to prioritise the prepaid water meters
at the expense of investing in critical areas such as replacing aging infrastructure throughout the water
service systems covering storage facilities, treatment works, pumps which lead to high levels of non
revenue water.
13
See Chapter Five of Piet Mamatsha Legodi’s Master of Arts (Geography) Dissertation titled “Community
Struggles Concerning ‘Prepaid’ Water Meters in Phiri completed at the University of Witswatersrand,
Johannesburg.
14
http://blogs.worldbank.org/water/why-we-should-talk-about-pre-paid-systems-rather-meters-only
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Environmental Implications
This section highlights some of the possible detrimental effects of the use of prepaid water meters on
the environment. The claims raised herein are premised on what other societies have experienced after
resorting to the use of prepaid water meters.
As noted in the foregoing discussion, the poor are likely to forego certain activities in an endeavour to
save water and avoid running out of water for critical activities such as cooking and drinking. According
to Legodi (2008) this neglect of the environs can lead to diseases such as malaria and tuberculosis.
“Moreover, if the community’s surroundings are not well cared- for, land degradation and, possibly, soil
erosion become problems that may affect communities” (Maluleke, 2004 in Legodi, 2008:30).
Experiences in South Africa show that extreme water saving strategies can lead to some poor residents
to engage in unhygienic practices such as reusing water and avoiding the use of flush toilets. While
both of the practices might have adverse health outcomes it is the latter that has the potential of posing
serious public health challenges. If residents resort to the bush toilet system there is likelihood that
incidences of water borne diseases would increase. In fact there is a likelihood of a vicious cycle
developing where the same households who resort to the bush system would most probably be the
ones that would also resort to fetching water in unprotected sources. These sources are likely to be
contaminated because of the prevalence of human excreta in the surrounding areas.
Thus coming from an Integrated Water Resources management perspective there is need for a re-think
of the pre-paid water initiative not so much for what it can do or cannot do in terms of water access but
more so in terms of its potential impact on other related sectors such as those of health and the
economy. According to Berg and Mugisha, 2009:3) looking at the water sector from a cost-recovery
perspective “neglects the negative externalities that stem from excluding access to those who are
unable to pay fees for water. The social costs of poor public health resulting from denying low-income
communities access to a vital resource, such as clean drinking water, begin with high infant mortality
rates, increased household illness, and reduced worker productivity, among others”.
Finally, Bulawayo’s sewerage network is likely to be negatively affected by the use of prepaid water
meters as residents try to save water. It is likely that with the introduction of prepaid water meters
people will use less water to flush. “The failure to have water in the area had led to people using less
water to flush. This had led to human waste pilling up within the sewer pipe
which ended up leading to sewer bursts which also led to pollution in the area”. The Millennium
Development Goals Status Report for Zimbabwe (2010) notes that the reduction in water in the system
has led to solidification and blockage of sewage systems that has led to overflow, bursts, and an
increased risk of water supply contamination (Mukuhlani and Nyamupingidza, 2014).
20
Recommendations
In light of the finding of this research, it is imperative that the BCC at the local level, and the national
government itself alter their approaches to water management. This is essential to ensure that
workable solutions to water management problems are identified, and also to ensure that provisions on
the right to water as contained in chapter 4, section 77a of the constitution and other international
statutes are protected, fulfilled and respected.
On Prepaid Water Meters
15

Alternative means to prepaid water meters should be employed to ensure that residents pay
their bills to the BCC. It should be clear that BPRA’s position is not that residents should not
pay for water. The position is against the notion of paying upfront by the poor who are unable to
pay.

The BCC should consult residents extensively before forcing them to accept prepaid water
metres. Prior to the consultations, residents should be educated on the advantages and
disadvantages of prepaid water meters so that they make informed choices.

Prior to rolling out the installation programme of prepaid water meters research should be
conducted on the pre-paid water meter system instead of pre-paid water meters in isolation.
Limiting the debate to pre-paid meters misreads the importance of the broader system’s
architecture and support mechanisms that are just as necessary for a pre-paid system to work
effectively. Numerous factors can influence the effectiveness of the pre-paid system: from
access to potentially scarce replacement parts by the service provider (which has proven to be
a real problem in some cases), to the accessibility and convenience of pay-points for
customers; from the existence of uninterrupted water supply to minimize technical failures, the
integration of data management systems and IT, to the importance of a strong communication
strategy to avoid mixed messages and false expectations from consumers.15

Given that institutional customers bear a significant burden of the debt owed to the City Council
it would be a good management decision to roll out prepaid water meters in these institutions.
These are institutions such as government complexes and commercial entities. These include
state institutions and parastatals such as the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA), the
National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ), the Cold Storage Company (CSC); and big companies
such as Delta and Dunlop. Other institutions include army barracks and police quarters. The
argument is that for institutions that are commercial in nature or under the ambit of the
government, and using water for more than the basic needs and survival, the notion of prepaid
water meters makes sense. It is for the average Zimbabwean, particularly the poor that prepaid
water meters are unsuitable.
http://blogs.worldbank.org/water/why-we-should-talk-about-pre-paid-systems-rather-meters-only
21

The prepaid water meters as they nowadays are, might not result in positive income results in
Bulawayo. The experiences from other municipalities showed that there are a lot of
maintenance problems with these meters. The maintenance of the meters requires too much
from the municipality and the meters are more expensive than the conventional ones. As such
it would be financially prudent for the City Council to instead focus on reducing levels of non
revenue water. Money to be used in procuring prepaid meters would rather be used to address
system challenges that relate to non revenue water (specifically and more urgently, real losses.

The BCC should explore alternative innovative mechanisms of encouraging or facilitating
payments for water services by residents especially the poor ones. For instance debtors can be
asked to provide certain services for the City Council in exchange for debt clearance e.g. by
engaging in grass cutting, working on sanitation related issues, road repairs etc

The City Council should consider increasing the amount of free basic water to meet WHO
(2003) recommended levels. This can be done by scrapping the same in middle and high
income groups in order to cover for the anticipated increased levels of free basic water to
indigents.
On National Water Policy
The issue of pre-paid water meters has taken centre stage in water related debates yet there are a
number of critical policy related issues that still need to be spot-lighted. The water sector like all other
sectors has been affected by the economic meltdown that characterised the country in the first decade
after the turn of the millennium. The urgency of addressing water related policy issues cannot be overemphasised given that the sector is at the centre of basically all economic and social activities. In this
regard BPRA recommends the following:

Given that erratic water supplies still define the water supply systems in the country in general
and Bulawayo in particular it is critical that the City Council and the government move with
speed in redressing this situation. The starting point is to establish the status quo through a
survey relating to the state of water. It is necessary to establish accurately the current use of
water and the true status of water infrastructure in order to establish a sound basis for
recovery.

Generally, even though Bulawayo has high levels of households accessing portable water the
access is limited because there is a long running water rationing scheme. There is thus need to
address water problems in the city as they compromise the health of the residents due to below
recommended levels of per capita water consumption as well as pollution of the environment
due to poor sanitation practices. To improve the situation long term- medium and short term
interventions are needed. Medium to long term interventions have to address the severe
underinvestment that has gone on for years (Manzungu et al 2008). Investment in water
infrastructure will enable the GoZ to realize one of the sector outcomes of the Infrastructure
22
and Utilities cluster under ZimAsset which is that of improving “access to water supply and
sanitation services to the people of Zimbabwe (GoZ, 2013:79).

An emerging issue of concern with regards to water in Bulawayo is the danger posed by the
increasing activities of artisanal miners in and around the Umzingwane Catchment area. These
miners sometimes use dangerous chemicals such as mercury and cyanide. To counteract this
emerging threat to the quality of Bulawayo water there is need for a much more coordinated
institutional response. BPRA thus recommends better operational collaboration between
ZINWA, the Ministry of Mines and the EMA in order to develop and implement environmental
water regulations, control pollution and promote the better management of water source areas.
A major challenge that needs attention is the licensing of gold mining claims and the activities
of illegal artisanal gold miners along the Umzingwane Catchment area and the lacklustre
supervision of mining activities.

The Ministry responsible for water resources and various local authorities should carry out
research on affordability of water to residents, as a means of determining the best billing
systems to employ. Such a research should explore the social, economic and political
implications of affordability of water. It is clear that there is a big knowledge gap on the issue of
gauging whether or not residents can afford water service charges levied by the BCC. The
current pronouncements from different stakeholders are premised on anecdotal evidence.
Understanding the issue of affordability is critical in mapping the way forward on water supply
issues.
23
Concluding Remarks
According to the GoZ (2013) by coming up with Zim Asset, it sought to address on a sustainable basis
impediments to quality service delivery and economic growth. However, the findings of this study show
that the introduction of PPWMs in urban centres in general and in Bulawayo in particular is premised on
a wrong diagnosis of the causal elements of the water service delivery problem. This diagnosis
identifies non payment for services as the root cause of the challenges confronting water service
delivery in Zimbabwe’s urban centres. This misdiagnosis unfortunately takes away the sustainability of
the solution. In light of the findings of this study, it is prudent for the Bulawayo City Council (BCC) to
revise its prepaid water metering project. Evidently, the project does not augur well in the context of
Zimbabwe’s socio-economic context where a large proportion of the populace is struggling to make
ends meet owing to high unemployment and lack of or poor remuneration of workers. Advisedly, the
prepaid water meters can be employed for government and commercial entities that generate sufficient
income and use water for more than the basic needs and survival. Even then, the BCC needs to be
careful when dealing with the commercial sector as introducing initiatives that scare away investors
might have the unintended effects of exacerbating the problem of de-industrialisation that that City has
been battling to contain. In the meantime, other methods of improving payment of bills by residents
should be employed. These could include campaigns to conscientise residents on their responsibilities
as rights holders and on the importance of settling their bills for smooth service delivery.
24
References
Adam Smith International (2014) Helping Bulawayo Find a Solution to its Water Crisis. Accessed online via:
http://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals network/2014/jul/07/bulawayo-solution-water-crisis
Berg, S.V. & Mugisha, S. (2008) Pro-poor water service strategies in developing countries: Promoting justice in Uganda’s
urban project.
Coalition Against Water Privatization and the Anti Privatisation Forum, (2006) Lessons from the
War
Against
Prepaid Water Meters. Accessed online via: http://apf.org.za/IMG/pdf/Final_PPM_Research_Report_-_102006-2.pdf
Deedat, H. and Cottle, E. (2002). ‘Cost Recovery and Prepaid Water Meters and Cholera Outbreak in Kwazulu-Natal: A
case study in Madlebe’, in D.A. McDonald, and J. Pape (eds.), Cost Recovery and the Crisis of Service Delivery in South
Africa. Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council, 81-97.
Heymanns et al (2014) The Limits and Possibilities of prepaid Water in Africa: Lessons From the Field. Accessed online via:
http://www.wsp.org/sites/wsp.org/files/publications/WSP-Prepaid-Water-Africa.pdf
International Water Association, (2004), The Bonn Charter for Safe Drinking Water, Bonn
Johannessen, C. (2008) Pay up at the Tap: Prepaid Water Meters put the Poor at Risk. Accessed online via:
http://www.oikoumene.org/en/press-centre/news/pay-up-at-the-tap-pre-paid-water-meters-put-the-poor-at-risk
Kumwenda. M. K (2006) Prepaid Water Metering: Social Experiences and Lessons Learned from Kliepwel Pilot Project,
South Africa – M.Phil Dissertation, University of the Western Cape
Labour resource and research institute LaRRI (2004), water privatisation in Namibia, creating a new Apartheid, Namibia.
Accessed online via:
http://www.larri.com.na/research/pdf/water%20privatisation%20reporttext.PDF
Legodi, P.M. (2008) Community Struggles Concerning ‘Prepaid’ Water Meters in Phiri- M.A. dissertation, Wits, South Africa
Mabiza, C.C., Van Der Zaag, P., Manzungu, E. & Ahlers, R. (2008) “The political nature of water resources management:
insights from Bulawayo and the Mzingwane Catchment Area, Zimbabwe”. Unpublished paper presented at the 9 th
WaterNet/Warfsa/GWP/SA Symposium, Water and Sustainable Development for Improved Livelihoods, 29-31 October
2008.
Magaisa, A (2015) Prepaid Water Meters and the Human Right to Water. Unpublished Opinion Article
Mukuhlani, T. & Nyamupingidza, M.T. (2014) Water Scarcity in Communities, Coping Strategies and Mitigation Measures:
The Case of Bulawayo, Journal of Sustainable Development, vol. 7 (1)
Murthy, S. L (2013) The Human Right(s) to Water and Sanitation: History, Meaning, and Controversy Over Privatisation, 31
BERKELEY J.INT’L LAW . 89
Musemwa, M. (2004) Disciplining a ‘dissident’ city: Hydropolitics in the City of Bulawayo, Matabeleland, Zimbabwe, 19801992. Accessed online via: http://afsaap.org.au/assets/musemwa.pdf
Newsday (18 February 2015) – Half of Zim Adults Earn $100, by Staff Writer
25
Nyemba, A., Manzungu, E., Masango, S. & Musasiwa, S. (2008). The relationship between water availability and
environmental impacts at household level in the city of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. Accessed
online via:
www.waternetonline.org/Symposium/10/.../Manzungu%20E.doc
Southern Eye (24 March 2014) – Prepaid Water Meters Not Suitable in Zimbabwe, by Zibusiso Dube
Southern Eye (26 January 2015) – Prepaid Water Meters Costly, Ill Conceived, by Zibusiso Dube
Sunday News (18 January 2015) – Civil Society Anti-Prepaid Meter Campaign Misleads Residents, By Qhubani Moyo
Sunday News (25 January 2015) – Dr Q You are Wrong on Prepaid Water Meters, by Godwin Phiri
UNDP (2010). Zimbabwe Millennium Development Goals 2010 Status Report. Accessed online via:
http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/MDG/english/MDG%20Country%20Reports/Zimbabwe/zimbabwe_2010.pdf
WHO (2003) Domestic Water Quantity, Service level and Health
Xali, M. (2002). They are killing us alive: A Case of the Impact of Cost Recovery on the Service Provision in Makhaza
Section, Khayelitsha, in D.A. McDonald, and J. Pape (eds.), Cost Recovery and the crisis of service delivery in South Africa.
Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council, 101-119.
ZIMSTATS. (2013) Census 2012 National Report, Harare.
Focus Group Discussions
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 7 on 12/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 9 on 13/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 10 on 15/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 11 on 20/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 13 on 21/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 14 on 15/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 15 on 16/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 16 on 17/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 21 on 15/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 24 on 20/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 25 on 12/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 26 on 16/12/2014
Focus group discussion with residents in ward 28 on 17/12/2014
Interviews
Interview with Councillor Mangena on 17/12/2014 at Nketa Housing Office, Bulawayo.
Interview with BCC Public Relations Officials on 17/12/14 at Bulawayo.
Interview with BPRA Chairperson, Reason Ngwenya on 14/12/14
Interview with BPRA Organising Secretary, Ambrose Sibindi on 5/12/2014
Interview with Intscha.com Director, Godwin Phiri on 13/01/2015
Interview with NYDT Director, Liberty Bhebhe on 8/01/2015
Interview with Councillor Collet Ndlovu on 13/01/2015
Interview with Habakkuk Trust Executive Director, Dumisani Nkomo on 14/01/2015
Interview with WOZA Director, Jenny Williams on 17/01/2015
26
Consultative Meetings
Consultative meeting with residents’ leaders on 14/12/14 at ZITF, Bulawayo
Official Documents
The Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation 2013 - 2018
The Zimbabwe Constitution - 2013
The Zimbabwe National Water Policy
Minutes of the City Council Meeting 4/12/2013
27