1. No category

On the Early Historical Relations between Phrygia and Cappadocia
Author(s): W. M. Ramsay
Source: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, New Series, Vol. 15,
No. 2 (Apr., 1883), pp. 100-135
Published by: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25196949
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100
Art.
III.?On
the Early Historical
and Cappadocia.
By W.
I.?The
The
following
east
countries
account
and west
Royal
of the
of
between Phrygia
Ramsay,
Esq.
Relations
M.
Road.
early
relations
is the
between
result
the
of a
the Halys
valley, Doghanlu,
journey made from Smyrna by the Hermus
and Euyuk
to Sivas
Keui,
Boghaz
Angora,
(May 13 to
June 29, 1881), on which Col. Sir Charles Wilson
kindly
invited me to accompany
him.1
The Roman
roads of tho
were
a
; and tho
frequent
topic of conversation
on
of
which
the
this
article
has been
rests,
routes,
knowledge
from
his
I
afterwards
the
skill.
infor
that
found
gained
mation
I had thus acquired from hira of the Roman
road
an
on
had
the
system
early history of
important
bearing
these countries.
is a great obstacle
to communication
There
between
the
coast
and
the
3500
immense
feet
plateau,
high,
Aegean
district
From
the
greater part of Asia Minor.
of
mountains,
ranges
by
separated
deep
plateau
rivers spring from the edge of
valleys, run out to the west;
the plateau, and flow to the Aegean
through gorges which
to
out
but mountains,
level
fertile
open
gradually
valleys;
on
even on foot,
not
often
foot,
except
rarely practicable
which
forms
the
central
from the plateau.
One easy path, and
separate, the valleys
one alone, has been marked
out by nature.
It leads up the
to the junction of the Lycus, and then along the
Maeander
1 The
in the last Number
of this Journal,
paper was intended for publication
and was completed
in all essential
features last September;
it was delayed
in
a secoud
or add to the
order to see whether
journey in Phrygia might modify
views here expressed.
The delay has enabled mo to speak of the Maeander
route
from personal knowledge,
to add inscrr. 4, 6, 6, 11, and 12, and to insert many
corroborative details.
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OF PHRYGIA AND CA1TADOCIA.
HISTORICAL 11KT.ATTON8
101
Lycus, through Colossae, past the salt lake and the old town
to Celacnae and the fountains of the Maeander.
of Anava1
road there is no perceptible
the
whole
Along
slope, till near
it
the
descends
into
the
Celaenae
valley,
through which
north and west.
lies
Apanieia-Cclaenae
which
the
is
central
divided
great
plateau,
by
just
a perfect mountain-wall
from the deep-lying
valley of the
comes the water from
Under
this mountain-wall
Maeander.
on the plateau above, and
the lake Aulocrene
gushes forth in
in
front
the city, make
of
fountains, which, uniting
many
a
once
at
stream.
the Maeander
considerable
road
The
Maeander
flows
below
the mountain-side
obliquely, and has then the plateau
in
front
of it for a thousand miles
away.
open
stretching
This road was used by trade from an early time. Arterai
ascends
dorus describes it as it existed under the Persian empire, and
from Ephesus
to Susa.2
gives all measurements
We
learn from Hipponax
that Phrygian
traders came to
came
down
Miletus
doubtless
the
(fr. 86); they
Lycus route
to Miletus, which was the natural sea-outlet
till its harbour
was filled
Herodotus
had gone up as
up by the Maeander.
as
no
further (Matzat, Hermes vi. p. 406).
far
Celaenae, but
descended
Xerxes
to
by the same route when marching
attack Greece;
Cyrus went up by it to attack Artaxerxes;
commerce with
the Roman
and the mighty
blocks
Phrygia
of Docimian
marble (Strab. p. 577) followed this route; so
did the caravans till lately;3
tho railway
and, henceforth,
1 Anava
(Herod, vii. 24) was situated at the modern village Sari Kavak,' Yel
low Poplar,' an hour cast of Chardak,
the lake whence people still
overlooking
Considerable
traces of the city
get salt as they did iu the time of Herodotus.
style.
remain, including a curious old doorway of pre-Hellenic
2 In Caria
740 st., towns Ephesus,
Magnesia,
Traites, Nysa,
Antiochein,
in
920 st., towns Laodiceia,
Oaroura;
Chcli
Apanieia,
Metropolis,
Phrygia,
in Phrygia,
Parorcia
rather moro than 600 st., towns Philo
donion, Jlolmoi;
in Lycaonia,
810 st., towns Laodiceia Katakckaiimcnc,
meliun, Tyriaion;
Koro
thence over Cappadocia
nassos;
to
by Garsaoura
(120 st.), Soandos, Sadakora
800st.
Mazaka,
(Strab. p. 663).
Pliny refers to this road, ii. 172, v. 106, xvi.
from
distance
Mazaka
to
ccccxv
m.
r.
240;
the dis
Ephesus
Xenophon
gives
tances?Sardis
to Apamcia
60 parnsangs
(Sardis-ApameiasEplujsus-Apameia),
to Apameia
Colossao
Peltao
Keramon
12.
20,
Kaustrou
Pedion 30,
10,
Agora
10, Tyriaion
10, Icouiou 20, through Lycaonia
Thymbrion
30, through Cappa
docia to Dana 26; whence he crossed tin; mountains
to Cilicia.
The parasang is
30 short stadia of 480 feet measured
by a bematistes (Hirschfeld,
Apameia
Celaenae, p. 8).
8 When
was
the Hermus
extended
to
trade from
valley railway
Philadelphia,
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102
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
will make
this route
the great
artery
of
intercourse
with
the
interior.
On the other
is an
hand, the Maeander
proper
valley
almost impassable defile above the junction with the Lycus,
while the upper Hermus
valley, though not so difficult, offers
some longand narrow gorges, which will make the proposed
railway very expensive.
It seems then easy to see the path by which civilization
was carried from the east to the west of Asia Minor, and
yet,
on examination,
it becomes certain that the Lycus route was
not the one used in early time.
In the explanation
of this
lies the clue to the early history of
6eeming contradiction
Asia Minor.
and Lityerses
The
show that
legends of Marsyas, Midas
the Greeks of the coast knew very early of the Phrygian
in
and of the remarkable natural features of Celaenae.
habitants
form only a small proportion
But these myths
of the body
is
which
connected
of Phrygian
with
legend,
chiefly
The
of
is
the
Northern
Phrygia
legend
Phrygia.
Sanga
are the descendants
of the
rius valley, the kings of Phrygia
their
battles
with
the
and
Amazons
legendary
Sangarius,
are fought on its banks
the
Moreover,
(Iliad iii. 186).l
"
to Susa, described by
from Ephesus
Persian
Royal Road"
to Sardis, and thence
Herodotus
(v. 49), crossed Mt. Tmolus
went on to the Halys over the very country where Phrygian
This route is very much longer
legend has its special home.
How
than the other, besides being infinitely more difficult.2
comes it that the Persians, with the direct and easy route
commerce perhaps as early as the time of
already known to
the longer and more difficult one P
Xerxes' march, preferred
of the fifth and sixth centuries
circumstances
The historical
it can be answered only by
afford no answer to this question;
Now when the Ottoman
to this route.
lino is extended
the interior was diverted
to the Lycus junction, trade will resume the old path.
1 I havo no
iu the Phrygia
of the
the view that recognizes
sympathy with
Iliad iii. 18G, and
Homeric
poems merely tno district beside the lako Ascauia.
seem to mo decisive
to Aphrodite,
tho phrase of the Hymn
Qpvyl-ns cdrctx^roio,
it.
against
* No ono who has travelled both will accuse me of
the difficulty of
overstating
route or the ease of the Lycus route.
the Herimis
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
103
back to an older time when different centres of power
this route the necessary one.
In the northern part of Cappadocia,
about ten hours east
are the ruins of
of the Halys,
at tho village of Boghaz-keui,
a great city.
are of great circumference,
Its walls, which
going
made
two small streams, and a con
hills,
in front of the hills, are
the
portion
plain
fourteen
feet thick on the hills, and were apparently
still
on
the
not
I
here
the
need
stronger
description
repeat
plain.
which M. Perrotl
has given well, though incompletely
; nor
I
need
again state his convincing
proof that the city is the
Pteria
of Herodotus
and Stephanus.
The character of the
or
of
and
the
in it is clearly
immense
city
temple
palace
Oriental, and there can be no doubt that this was the capita],
or at least one of the
strongest cities of a genuinely Oriental
over
a wide country.
which
ruled
A place of such
power
size and magnificence
thc
of a strong
existence
implies
political power.
The situation beyond
the Halys,
in the northern part of
must
be noted.
The Halys has always been a
Cappadocia,
"
"
or " beyond the
river.
The expressions
within
boundary
"
"
occur
the San
; we never find
Halys
frequently
beyond
The Halys,
between
the
then, was the boundary
garius."
east and the west.
never crossed it,
The empire of Assyria
and it was the limit between
the Lydians
and the Medes
i.
war
when
declared
Croesus
(Hdt.
72);
against the Medes,
he marched
on
as
the
chief seat of his
Pteria,
straight
The
road
east
to
from
the
Si
enemy.
nope, in early Greek
the
route
commerce
chief
for
Oriental
history
(Curt. Gesch.
and
include
siderable
several
of
1
en Galatic,
Stein on Herod,
i. 76 doubts
Voyage ArcMol.
etc., p. 323 ft.
that Boghaz-kcui
is Pteria.
In that case ono would
simply have to read
the present article Boglmz-kciti
instead of Pteria;
the reasouiug
is
throughout
not dependent on the name.
The ruius of Boghaz-keui
show what
its character
to Stein,
Croesus must have passed by this chief scat of his
was;
according
But
enemy and attacked some place on the coast near the mouth of the Halys.
that a great Oriental
(1) it is in tho highest degree improbable
city so'situated
should either have
or
escaped the notice of travellers ; (2)
disappeared completely
Herodotus
implies that Croesus attacked the strongest scat of the Oriental power;
seems
to me quite certain that Boghaz-keui
was the chief seat of that
(3) it
power.
these arguments
it seems injudicious
to press so much tho force ot Hard,
Against
even admitting
the interpretation
of Stein, which I think misses the true character
of the preposition,
Ptcrie.
Stcphanus has the form Pteriou, Herodotus
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104
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PnRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
i. p. 405), must have passed through Pteria;l
no doubt
its
owed
in
to the
times
great
colony
prosperity
early
fact that it was the nearest point of the coast to the great
centre.
Oriental
defines the position
of
Hence, Herodotus
Pteria for his Greek readers by the words, *; Bk
cart,
llreplrj
Karh Sivtoirrjv irokiv
7% x^PW Taurrj<i to taxvporarov
paXtarrd K)j /eeifiivrj (i. 76).
to speak of tho relation which
It is not yet possible
existed between Pteriar and the great empires of the east;
we know not how far it was the head of an
independent
or how often it was
subject to Carchemish
monarchy,
merely
or Nineveh.
It does not indeed lie within the scope of this
treat
to
of the relation between Cappadocia
and the
paper
on
of
its
but
influence
the
of Western
civilization
East,
only
Gr.
that
the former task must be left to abler hands.
Asia Minor;
It
will doubtless, with better knowledge
of the country, become
of commerce, and
possible to trace tho path of government,
across Cappadocia,
of the rock-cut
by means
of the important
centres of the
religious
west
A
of
tho
Cilician
little
country.
gates are the rock
at Tyana we found
and
beside
sculptures
inscriptions
Eregli;
a stone with similar sculpture and
further north,
inscription;
are two
near Ghurun
discovered
by Sir C.
rock-inscriptions
of civilization,
monuments,
Wilson:
and
Comanawasthe
greatest
Cappadocian
sanctuary
of
later days.
"
"
dates from the time when Sardis and
The
Royal Road
Pteria were the two chief cities of Asia Minor, and when they
one another.
were
with
The
communication
in regular
from
of the east were brought
and merchandize
civilization
to Phrygia
The road
aud Sardis across the Halys.
Pteria
An
could hardly be used except for peaceful communication.
traverse
the
of
and
could
the
Hermus,
army
gorges
scarcely
both Xerxes2
and Cyrus
the Younger
were
obliged
to take
1 The road between
Sinope and Pteria probably weut, like the modern path,
It traverses a very uilllcult country.
due south by Boiwad.
*
but here ho
Xerxes
crossed the lltilys into Phrygia,
to
Herodotus,
According
"
if this account is correct, Xerxes followed the Royal
diverged south to Celaenae;
for some time, but came round by Celaenae iu order to avoid the Hermus
Road1'
for an army.
route, which was impracticable
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 105
that Darius
would
route.
the Lycus
Can it be believed
chosen this way for his Royal Road unless he had
found it ready made to his hand P
have
have both recognized
the neces
the peculiar path taken by the Persian
sity of explaining
Road ; the theory which they adopt is different from the one
which I have given.
They consider that the western part
to join the old trade road between
of the road was constructed
Kirchhoff
and Hirschfeld1
the original
and the East, but this leaves unexplained
was
the
of
viz.
placed so far
difficulty,
why
point
junction
to
I
said
the
north.
that
have
conflicts
away
Nothing
to the
with their remarks, but I have added a new element
Sinope
theory.
But direct proof that such a road existed before the Persian
rule can be added to the indirect argument
hitherto given.2
In the first place, Herodotus
asserts that before 500 b.c. this
But
if it
and was known by Aristagoras.
existed,
before 500 b.c,
it was probably made before the
Persian
rule. Darius had not as yet had time to consolidate
on such a
his empire and form the lines of communication
road
existed
vast scale as this road implies.
were
spent
in continuous
The
earlier years
of his reign
wars.
the bridge by which the road crossed the Halys
Secondly,
existed in the reign of Croesus (Herod, i. 75) ; and a bridge
a road in
use.
implies
regular
the
Lydian kings seem to have paid some atten
Thirdly,
tion to the road system of their empire, and to have perhaps
even measured
them; this may be gathered from Herodotus's
account of the roads in the Maeander
and Lycus valleys, and
the boundary
pillar erected by Croesus at the fork of the
roads in Kydrara
(vii. 30).
this road explains why the old Greek mytho
Fourthly,
in the Sangarius
logy localizes most of its Phrygian
myths
valley.
1 Berl.
Monatsb.
1857, p. 126 f.; Hirschfeld,
Apameia-Celaenae,
fr. Berl. Abhandl.
1876).
3 It is now admitted
that the eastern half of the lloyal Road
before the Persian rule; see Stein on Herod,
v. 52, p. 52.
vol.
xv.?[new
series.]
p.
7 (extr.
existed
long
8
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106
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
centres of Phrygian
all the important
as
such
and Gordium,
Pessinus
Apameia,
Fifthly,
except
commerce,
the chief
to Comana, all the most remarkable
one
and the chief
exception,1
Phrygian
lie along this road.
remains of early Phrygia,
the road between Sardis
If the Royal Road was originally
and East, its formation
and Pteria,
the capitals of theWest
cannot be later than the accession of the Mermnad
dynasty,
religious
centres
similar
with
monuments
the attention
of
b.c, when
from the East and turned towards
687
was
the Lydians
the Greeks.
diverted
On the other
that the Heracleid
hand, it is well known
kings did not
about the coast-line,
but looked towards
trouble themselves
of the early history of Lydia
A consideration
the East.
of the power of Sardis
makes it probable that the beginning
with the formation of a permanent
road.
is contemporaneous
and wide-reaching
fact that inter
It is a most
important
to
course between Cappadocia
and Lydia
existed
sufficient
as
as
a
at
road
the
ninth
least
form for itself
regular
early
b c.; this fact, if it be admitted,
is the key to the whole
in early time.
In another place I
of the country
history
that the art and therefore
the whole
civili
have argued
is derived
and
from Pteria;
zation of Northern
Phrygia
to
influence
into
Greek
before
penetrate
began
Phrygia
long
we
are obliged
to consider
that the civilization
of Pteria
and
its
have been
westwards,
growing
spreading
for
and Lydia
in Phrygia
demanded
ascendency
facility
the East.
shall hardly be wrong
with
We
communication
must
to the
of Cappadocian
influence
It is impossible
among a
power of its religion.
expansive
of ideas to take place
people for such interchange
primitive
Art
in its earliest
of
influence
the
under
religion.
except
in tracing
stages
almost
docia.
diffused
this
is hieratic,
advance
and
this
character
in Lydia,
every rock-sculpture
It was therefore as the servant
certainly
Phrygia,
of religion
to
belongs
or Cappa
that
art
itself westwards.
1 The
tomb of Mygdon,
at Stectorion
near Apameia,
Paus.
x. 27.
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PURYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 107
the resemblance
of Cappadocian
also explain
an
actual conquest of Phrygia
civilization
by
But
its own proselytizing
and Lydia.
power, and not con
over
and Macedonia
into
Thrace
this
quest, spread
religion
a
in
similar
that
it
is
the
and
Greece;
way
spread
presumption
over Phrygia
It must however be left to future
and Lydia.1
to determine whether Western
Asia Minor was
investigation
ever actually
This religion
the
Cappadocians.
conquered by
went
it
wherever
great religious centres, where a
developed
One might
and Phrygian
over a district peopled by Hiero
hierarchy of priests ruled
at Ephesus
and at Comana, the west and the east,
douloi;
the same character is apparent.
It is now no longer a matter
of Asia Minor always tended to
that the civilization
and that secular rule was a development
character,
of later time, perhaps always more or less under Greek
influ
ence.
Strabo
has
the
described
(p. 535)
growth
gradual
in Comana;
of kingly power beside that of the priesthood
that the
and we shall probably not be wrong
in believing
manner were in close relation with
in
like
Phrygian
kings
the priesthood.
of doubt
this
Let us now try to follow this road step by step, following
the line between Pteria and Sardis; we shall then find that
we go
centres,
along a series of great cities and priestly
some of which sank into insignificance
the
historical
during
of their former
period, and retained only the recollection
a
It
crossed
the
by
bridge2 which was
greatness.
Halys
guarded,
omm
strongly
teal
apdy/cr),
piya
also
wvXai
Su/cTrepav
re
eweiai,
rbv
r^9
irorapbv*
eV amta.
StegeXdarai
Kal
which Herodotus
These phylaktcria,
at
the
and
Cilician Gates, were
in Armenia
doubtless,
country
barriers
where
to another was
every
irdtra
t^vXatcrripiov
mentions
originally,
crossing from one
scrutinized.
It is clear
traveller
carefully
1I
across the
hope horeaftcr to trace the southern road
peninsula by Icouium,
not
and to show that it also grew through the spread of religion aud civilization,
foreign conquest.
through
1 Herodotus
were
thoso rivers that
crossed by boat,
distinguishes
throughout
vr\va\ ir*pnr6s, and he tells us that Croesus had a bridge to cross the Halys
(i. 76).
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
108
that the road and bridge
a boundary
river between
dates
perhaps
guard-house
and Media
between Lydia
the
the relations between
existed
when
the Halys
was
the
and Cappadocia;
Lydia
from the time when the limits
were fixed at the
aud
Halys,
two countries
settled by treaty,
585 b.c.
one is
of Herodotus,
tempted to believe
still be traced.
that the very place of the crossing
may
at so early a period was probably placed
A bridge made
and we might
nature
offered special facility,
where
hope
strike
the eye of any traveller
that the crossing would
It was perhaps
situated at the
features.
by some marked
we
a
crossed
Turkish
last
where
by
very place
bridge
to
from Ancyra
six hours south
In going
June.
Yuzgat,
of Pteria, we took not the north road by Kalejik,
which
road that crosses
the Halys
Perrot
followed, but another
Tho broad river
further south at a very remarkablo
place.
a wide level
is
obstructed by a
north
through
plain
flowing
mass
heart
the
of
which
it forces its
of
rocks,
great
through
narrow
a
chasm.
The
where
in
the river
way
deep
point
as Sir C. Wilson
contracts
is,
remarked,1
exactly
suddenly
a
of an early period might
be
the place where
bridge
From
the words
looked for.
The
between
north
road
by Kalejik
and Pteria
is nearer
than
the
the
direct
route
south
road.
One
was
route
pre
longer
over the
and
Halys;
Ancyra
and
suppose that the southern
ferred from the facility of the bridge
On the road
the route coincides better with known remains.
we found
to
from
direct
south
Yuzgat,
Boghazkeui
leading
: Sir C. Wilson
an
mound
that this
said
artificial
half-way
must
was the point where the road from Tavium would naturally
we were travelling,
and that the mound might
join the road
and
Between
the mound
the site of a guard-house.
mark
1 The remark was made with reference to the Roman
period, when the principle
Close to the eastern bank there is a large
of the arch was thoroughly developed.
as
aro
common
and Lycaouia,
and were
in Cappadocia
artificial mound, such
very
Strabo attributes
to the Syriuus
called by the ancients "mounds of Semirnmis."
the invention of roads, bridges, and artificial mounds, p. 736.
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 109
the road goes through a long narrow glen, and
placed on the hills at the point where this glen
to
tho
north on a wide plain.
The Royal Road may
opens
and
have traversed
this glen, passed the artificial mound,
on
one
was
to
of
Zeus
of
whose
cultus
Tavium,
gone
straight
the chief religions
the
of Eastern Galatia.
From Tavium
southern route to Ancyra
is more direct than the northern,
Boghazkeui,
Pteria was
road took the
though it would appear that the later Roman
northern.
Two milo-stones,
the thirty-fifth and thirty-ninth,
have been found at Kalejik
they must
(C.I.L. iii. 309, 310);
mark the Roman road.
After crossing the Halys, the Royal Road probably went by
the name of which marks it as an old Phrygian
city,
Ancyra,
while its foundation was attributed toMidas (Paus. i. 4,5). Some
remains of its early art still exist (Perrot, p. 224 and pl. 32).
A fine lion in relief on a slab of stone, built into a Turkish
at its best.
fountain, shows the peculiar art of Asia Minor
M. Perrot also gives a photograph of a marble lion in Angora;
At the cross
it is carved in the round, and is much decayed.
a
there
sits
of
the
the
roadside
lion also of
ing
Halys,
by
an
to
which
also
marble,
may perhaps
early period.
belong
The natives spoke of cuttings among the rocks beside the
except one
bridge, but I did not succeed in finding anything
small niche of peculiar form.
From Ancyra
the road went by Gordium.
The site of this
town has not yet been found, but after Mordtmann's
excellent
no
dis
is
doubt
remains
that
it
in
the
Haimaneh
discussion,1
on the other side of the Halys.
trict, west from Pessinus,
The Royal Road must therefore have passed close to the rock
cut monuments
in the Haimaneh,
of Giaour-Kalessi
whose
near
to the pseudo-Sesostris
at once
similarity
figures
of Pteria,
Gor
and the sculptures
is so marked.
Nymphio
towns of Phrygia
dium was one of the great commercial
18).
(Livy, xxxviii.
to Pessinus,
From Gordium
the road crossed tho Sangarius
1"
Gordium,
p. 154.
Pessinus,
Sivri
Hissar,"
in Munch.
Gel.
Anz.
1861;
Perrot,
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HO
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOC1A.
the most famous of all the centres of Cybele-worship,
and also
a great commercial city (Strab. xii. p. 567).
Next
in its later
it passed by Orcistos,
the old city which,
still
of
the
boasted
that
ancient
roads
decline,
passed through
it and of the early kings who glorified
its history (see Momra
on C.I.L. iii. No. 352, p. 67).
sen's commentary
In another
of Orcistos
and
place I have traced the gradual
decay
the other ancient cities of the district, and the rise of the
later city Nacoleia,
the
the connexion
between
showing
on
of
and
the
it
each
road
which
prosperity
lay.1
Thence the road went straight west to cross the Phrygian
It passed through the rock necropolis beside the
mountains.
important city, which has
in Journ. Hell.
Stud. 1882, pt. i. At the
been
point where it entered on the valley in which these remains
are situated a strong fort on a rocky hill commanded
it;
this fort, now called Pishmish
has been described
Kalcssi,
Tomb
of Midas,
described
and close
to the
and engraved
Tho
by M. Perrot
(p. 144 and pl. 8).
road can still be actually
the
traced in the rock beneath
Kalessi.
beside Doghanlu
fort, and a few miles north-west,
In corroboration
of this bold statement,
I may quote a
sentence from a letter of Sir C. Wilson,
written
from quite
"
The fragments
another point of view:
of a road we saw
....
near the old
I could not be certain of
Phrygian
city
without
it at any rate crossed the
laying down my sketches;
more
or less at
mountains
The
Phrygian
right angles.,,
like the early Greek roads, described by Col.
road is made
Mure
(Tour in Greece, ii. p. 251) and by Curtius
(Gesch. d.
ruts
d:
for
Gr.
Two
b.
p. 13).
Wegebaus
carriage
parallel
to run easily are cut in the rock.2
I have traced
wheels
coming from the old mill
exactly such a rock at Phocaea,
stone quarries down to the water.
This road is therefore no
to an older stage of civilization
and
Roman work, it belongs
an older system of routes.
1 Journ. Hell.
Stud. 1882, pt. i. "Inscrr.
fr. Nacolcia.,,
2 I have
no note of the breadth between the wheels.
unfortunately
see Mitth.
Inst. Ath. iii. p. 29.
breadth of Greek waggon-roads
On
the
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 111
"
on slightly north of west to Kirk& (i.e.
Forty
was situ
where an old village named Pontanos
Aghas"),
At this point it crossed the
ated in the Roman
period.
a
which
form
mountains,
plateau running north and south
Thence
sides.
the course of the road
with perpendicular
it joined the Hermus
is quite uncertain:1
valley at some
near Coloe,
Katakekaumene
the
and
crossed
probably
point,
centre
of the district.
It entered
the great priestly
the
It went
Hermus
middle
valley just opposite Sardis,
passed close
and the Lydian
and
ended at
necropolis,
the steep
the nearest strong point on the opposite mountains,
hill on which Sardis was founded.
beside
lake Coloe
Such was
the main
our
to which
road across Asia
in the earliest
it was maintained
Minor
extends:
knowledge
of the natural difficulties,
through the necessity
for intercourse between Sardis and the north-east;
and when
from
Sardis ceased to be a capital city and Pteria disappeared
was
road
also
for
unsuited
this
sank
It
into
decay.
history,
period
in defiance
a commercial
towards
route, and trade with the east either
or was under the Persians
carried
Sinope,
turned
across
to Celaenae and the Lycus valley.
The latter road
Lycaonia
is the one of which we hear throughout
the Greek and the
Roman period; but Strabo (p. 539) knew that it was not an
was called
route.
The
red earth of Cappadocia
ancient
Sinopic, being brought by Sinope before the land trade-route
route of this early period
Another
had grown.
probable
in the Bulletin
has been described
de Corresp. Hell.
1882
(July);
it led from the city of the Midas-Necropolis by
in an almost straight
and Hieropolis
(Sandukli),
Ayazeen
line south to Celaenae.
was
found new centres, a new road-system
As civilization
1 It
with its priestly college,
(Altuntash),
perhaps passed through Bennisoa
of Zeus llenuios.
This supposition connects it with a religious centre,
Benncitai,
and coincides with a routo marked
hy nature aud still followed, by Ushak and
a still unknown
It may also havo gone through Konui,
Koula.
site, which w$.s
name may be an old reli
certainly not very far from the lino of tho road. Tho
at
with his hereditary
the Kunnidai
Kunncios
priests
gious one, like Apollo
The most probable routo however
is by Ancyra, aud thence down the
Athens.
Hermus
by Kadoi to Coloe.
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112
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PnRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
The connection between Asia Minor and the East
required.
was broken.
and Roman periods encouraged
The Hellenistic
a system in which
Ephesus was the port where the merchan
dize of Asia Minor was collected for transport to the West.
were the two chief
and Mazaca-Caesareia
Apameia-Celaenae
of the
the productions
of tho interior, to which
was
were
that
which
road
the
and
country
great
brought,
of
The foundation
connected
these three important
cities.
a new centre and a new system of
introduced
Constantinople
roads, which has lasted till the present time. The great lines
cmporia
is
of communication
all lead to Constantinople.
Apameia
can
now no
on the direct road; and though nothing
longer
of its splendid situation,
the advantages
altogether neutralize
the railway
which will become once more apparent when
one ever since the
reaches it, its history has been a declining
on the con
foundation of Constantinople.
Caesareia-Mazaca,
new
as
as
evor
the
under
system.
trary, continued
important
as
It is as well placed for the connexion with Constantinople
to be the
for that with Ephesus
and Rome, and it continues
great eastern centre of trade.
Each of these three periods
must
be
studied;
separately
are
of
great
points
in the history
it will
in each
of Asia
be
Minor
found that
are of no
which
importance,
a
case exists where
in
and
the
others,
consequence
hardly
all
its importance
the same city has maintained
through
for the sea
three.
In the first period Sinope and Miletus
and Sardis for the land roads, were the
borne traffic, Pteria
certain
chief centres.
Caesareia
took
and
In the second period, Ephesus,1 Apameia
In the third period, all tend to
their place.
Constantinople.
1
or auy port on tho Mncander
takes the place which Miletus
Ephesus
valley
also
would have held had their harbours remained open.
In later time Ephesus
lost its harbour, and trade passed to Smyrna.
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 113
II.?TfH^RoCK-SCULPTURES
OF BoGHAZKKUI AND EUYUK.1
near Pteria are, asM. Perrot
The wonderful rock-sculptures
a
I believe
has proved,
series of religious
representations.
that their explanation has been hindered by one misconception
of Perrot's, whose account is in general accurate and sympa
thetic. Many of the figures which he considers male seemed
to me undoubtedly
I came to Pteria fresh from tho
female.
s
at
of
the
perusal
only copy of M. Perrot* Voyage that
Ancyra
two
hours'
Sir 0.
exists in Asia Minor;
after
examination,
but,
to the same conclusion,
Wilson
and I both came independently
of the figures were female. We were for
that the majority
tunately able to remain a second day at Pteria, and I spent about
in this regard.
every figure specially
examining
a tew are
cases the sex is
but
uncertain,
only
quite
are
a
female.
number
and
male,
certainly
certainly
large
On the whole, I came to the conclusion
that the sculptures
were the monument
in which
tho female sex
of a religion
a
more
the
than
much
male, and that
played
important part
in various cases where the sex was doubtful, the probability
(dasMutterrecht),
along with
lay on the female side. Bachofen
has shown how great an influence
many untenable hypotheses,
to the woman
is
in Asia Minor, and this influence
belonged
of course creative of or dependent on religious sanction : and
Gelzer has proved that the Lydian
religion attached
special
xxxv. p. 516).
to
Mus.
female
the
The
(Rhein.
importance
five
hours
In many
of the sculptures at Pteria is therefore in accordance
the analogy of Asia Minor.8
Two facts suggest a false idea as to the sex of the figures.
In the first place the great mass of the figures fall into two
The series of
long lines turned towards a central point.
character
with
figures
on the left is headed
by three gods,
that on the right
1 These notes are
printed solely from the wish to call attention to a remarkable
series of sculptures, which have as yet been almost completely
In our
neglected.
hurried journey there was no
of exaniining?them
Now
sufficiently.
opportunity
Herr Hermann
has been
casts
to
of
with
the
the
Merlin
duty
bringing
charged
M useum, and there is every reason to hope that the sculptures will soon be acces
sible to study.
2 This view was not
suggested by a preconceived
theory ; in reality it suggested
ideas which have gradually
led to the geueral
iii Asia
theory of early history
Minor here and elsewhere expressed.
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
114
almost all the figures on the right are clearly
by a goddess;
several
of those on the left are equally clearly male.
female,
Hence
the idea arose that the figures of the right are female,
of the left male.
But this idea cannot be carried out com
The goddess who leads the procession on the right is
pletely.
followed immediately by a youthful god standing on a leopard;
and in thc series to the left there are several female figures.
In the second place, the
of the short tunic seems
wearing
to prove that more than half the figures are male.
Closer
makes
this doubtful.
Most
of the figures are
examination
to fight
armed, and it is obvious that if women are going
wear
were
cannot
robes.
Female
warriors
they
long sweeping
one of the most remarkable characteristics
of the religion of
Asia Minor and particularly
of Cappadocia;
and I should not
to consider the twelve armed figures1 in the narrow
hesitate
and perhaps
the most
passage opposite the most mysterious
sacred figures of the whole to be Amazons.
The idea of women as fighting
and as warlike,
finds its
was
one of
in
the
warlike
who
religious
justification
goddess
: and the masculine
the chief manifestations
of divinity
air,
the short dress, the flatness of the bosom, are quite in the
to raise itself
it is characteristic
spirit of a religion, of which
above the distinction
of sex. Its essence2 lies in the adoration
under various forms of the life of nature, that life subject
to death, yet never dying, but reproducing
itself
apparently
in new forms, different,
and yet the same. This perpetual
under varying
of death
forms, this annihilation
self-identity
was
the
of
the
power
self-reproduction,
through
object of the
worship of Asia Minor with all its self-abandon
its
immersion in the divine nature
ment,
periods of complete
to all moral distinctions
and human ties,
and of superiority
its mixture
of the obscenest symbolism and the most sublime
of self-identity
The mystery
truths.
of self-reproduction,
amid diversity,
is the key to explain all the repulsive legends
that cluster round that worship, and all the manifold mani
enthusiastic
1
Perrot,
1 I must
which
Voy ago Archeologique,
pl. 52.
here assume unproved that theory of the character
seems required by tho facts of its history.
of Phrygian
religion
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 115
of the divine life that are carved
festations or embodiments
on the rocks of Pteria.
The parent is the child, the mother
is the daughter,
the father the son ; they seem to men
are the same, that death
different;
religion teaches that they
and birth are only two aspects of one idea, and that the birth
is only the completion of the incomplete apparent death.
is that the dis
One of the central ideas in the religion
is only an appearance,
and
tinction of sex is not ultimate,
not
a real element
of
the divine
life
life.
In
its essence
that
the
existent;
continually
idea of sex, of incomplete
is the earth, the Mother;
the Father;
the ultimate divinity
is self-complete,
self-sufficient,
the
idea of death comes in with
The goddess
ness, of diversity.
is the Heaven,
both heaven
comprehends
the god
and earth, both god and goddess.
in Greek art as the
idea which
appears
a rude
of the
Hermaphrodite,
expression
merely
symbolical
ten
also
arises
the
of
Hence
sexual
distinction.
unreality
sex
or
of
in
to
the
to
distinction
confuse
the
obliterate
dency
Hence
arises
the
of the
the character
the goddess with
gods, to represent
as
the priest
and effeminate;
while
man, the god
womanly
of the religion must be neither male nor female.
The wearing
of bracelets and earrings is of course not pe
in many countries by men.
culiar to women, but is practised
to say that I could not find them on any
But I am obliged
figure certainly male with one exception, and this exception
that they were in Cappadocia
furnishes a strong presumption
a feminine
ornament.
is a figure
It
three
that occurs
at Boghazkeui,
and twice at Euyuk,1
and M. Perrot
comes
to
must
be the high
the
conclusion2
that
it
rightly
tho
and
to
it
it
is
effeminate
in
easy
priest;
recognize
tho
the soft outlines,
character,
dress, the
long sweeping
ornaments of thc eunuch high priest so well known
in the
times
cultu8
of Cybele.3
This
view,
to which
M. Perrot
inclines,
1
is five hours north of Pteria.
Perrot, pl. 42, 47, 60, 51, 50. Euyuk
Here,
out of tho side of one of the large artificial " mounds of Semiramis,*'
appear the
doorway and front, covered with sculptures, of some great palace or temple.
8 d.
337.
3 I must however add
that at Ibriz both the husbandman-god
and his bearded
iii. 1,31).
priest wear earrings.
Lydian men wore earrings (Xen. Anab.
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
116
slab at
quite certain by the subject of the following
was
seen
Wilson
Sir
C.
which
not
him:
got the
Euyuk,
by
most
one
a
the
to
over
of
turn
block, and disclosed
villagers
scenes
of the whole series.
interesting
of this slab,
The accompanying
plan shows the position
which is lettered Z.
is made
CD
8
i
-1
III
6
CD
Iz I
u i
III12!
as one enters the great door
right hand
The two
two
the
(9 and 10).
way, guarded by
Sphinxes
are each
and
entrance
on
the
of
side
the
left
blocks
8)
(7
entrance
the
so
of
the
that
6 feet 6 inches long;
length
inches
long, and
way is exactly 13 feet. Now Z is 7 feet 3
so
that these two
the block (11) is 5 feet 9 inches long,
It is
fill up the right side of the entrance way.
exactly
on the side of the
that there is no sculpture
remarkable
forms the first
while on the short end which
block (II);
seated deity,
the
front
the
in
series
the
slab of
wall,
the
blocks
carved.
Both
is
(7 and 8)
Perrot,
pl. 66,
with
are
adorned
on the left side of the entrance way
the
and
is
one of those on the right side
carved,
reliefs;
of the apparent
I know no explanation
other is left plain.
It
is on
the
anomaly.
the right hand of the scene on the slab (Z) a deity
one in front of the
sits with the feet resting on a footstool,
At
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 117
the figure is much worn, but in all that
on pl.
exactly the same as the seated goddess
headed
this deity a procession
advances,
by
His dress is the same
which we are speaking.
other;
remains
66.
it is
Towards
the figure of
as in all the
in his right hand
scenes where Perrot has engraved him:
he, as usual, holds the lituus, while with the left he pours
from an oinochoe a libation, which falls on the front foot of
him
is the priestess, with her
Behind
the seated deity.
that seems to be characteristic
in the position
hands
of
women
The right hand holds out
in the art of Cappadocia,
some round
in
of
her
front
face, the left hand carries
object
some
to tell
to
It
her
mouth.
is now impossible
object
wore
She
is
dressed
in
she
the
whether
earrings.
long
she wears
in the scene on pl. 56,
dress which
sweeping
her come two other figures, which are much
fig. 1. Behind
worn ; they seem to have been dressed in short tunics and a
hangs so as to cover one leg and leave the
The figures at the extremities
of this
leg bare.
slab have been destroyed by the small stones on which it has
the two in the middle have not suffered
fallen.
Fortunately
cloak
which
advanced
so much, and it seems hardly open to doubt that they are
of the cultus;
and the same
the chief priest and priestess
scene
on
56
the
is
view
Here
by
pl.
suggested
(Perrot).
also the subject seems to be a procession
the
approaching
An altar of peculiar
divine presence.
in
shape is placed
a religious symbol,
front of a small figure of a bull, evidently
on a high pedestal.
The very same male and
standing
in his
female figures, in the same dress, the male carrying
the
the
hand
altar.
The
lituus,
approach
priestess
right
wears
earrings.
the priest is seen three times (pis. 42, 47,
At Boghazkeui
On
he is represented walking
60-1
beside a tall
50, 51).
pl.
arm
is
whose
twined
round
his neck.
figure,
affectionately
this pair a man and woman,
but is
that the little figure is clearly male.
obliged to acknowledge
To our eyes the tall figure is equally clearly female.
It is in
out
and
the
face
stands
from
an
the
rock
with
relief,
high
Perrot
would
exquisitely
fain make
delicate
contour?bold,
determined,
and yet
feini
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118
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
nine.
The figure is far the finest of all the series, and looks
almost like the creation of a different
art.
In the midst
of
rude work and inartistic
it recalled to me the
symbolism,
of the Maussolleum
frieze.1
It is evidently
the
an inscription
of
0ed
of
Coraana
Philol.
(Journ.
Nucr)ff)6po<;
the warlike
of the
1882),
goddess who was characteristic
Amazons
Like the Lydian Omphale,
she bears
worship.
the weapons, and her male companion
is the effeminate
and
unwarlike god.
This companion
is Atys,
at once her favourite
and her
Asia Minor
The god was the type of
priest, her son and her paramour.
all succeeding priests, who bore at Pessinus
his name as an
and was said
official title:a
each priest wore the insignia,
to imitate
the self-mutilation
of the god.
That priests and
wear
should
the
bear
the
name, and represent
dress,
priestesses
of the god whom they served, was common
the personality,
religion also. The priests of Bacchus were Bacchoi,
the priests of Sabos or Sabazios
tho female celebrants Bacchai;
were also called Saboi;
and many other examples may be
Lehrb. d. Gr. Rel. ? 37.
found in Hermann,
the priest appears shows how
The frequency with which
was
in
the
his importance
religion, and his influence
great
in Greek
among
always
the people. He was the embodiment
among his people and explaining
the oracle, which was a never-failing
through
of the Asian
of the god living
to them always
accompaniment
This is in complete
religion, the will of heaven.
all that we know of political organization
with
and
agreement
were
of
the
Asia
before
Minor,
among
people
they
government
Either
the priesthood
influence.
affected by Greek
compre
in itself aud exercised supreme power, or
hended the kinghood
the priest was at least coordinate with the king in rank and
The same thought is suggested by the scene
social power.8
1 One who looks at the
plates in Perrot, 60 and 51, will at once say that I am
Hut before judging,
wrong on this point, and that the figure is certainly female.
one should bear in mind that tho
on pl. 51 is useless, aud that tho
photograph
drawing on pi. 60, being made by one who thought the figure male, loses all tho
feminiue character.
- See
"
I user, published by Mordtmann,
and Sivrihissar,"
Gordium, Pessinus,
Muuch. Gel. Anz. 1862.
5 Str.
p. 667 : Curtius on Ephcsian
history, Bcitr. Gesch. Khinas.
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 119
as of
is represented
the priest
Here
(Perrot).
on
two
size, standing with his feet
large objects,
superhuman
these are quite
in shape like cones with rounded points;
on which
different in character and form from the mountains
the apparent god, coordi
is evidently
the gods stand. He
of the divine nature on
nated with the other manifestations
on pl. 47
the rocks around, smaller in size than the greatest of these,
In all the three cases where
but larger than many of them.
it is accompanied
this figure occurs at Pteria,
by a remark
this symbol is not always the same, but the
able symbol:
The varia
of one type.
three are only slight modifications
and
will
in time
are
doubtless
tions
of great
importance,
scenes
on the
in which they occur.
perhaps throw much light
are all composed
such as occur in the
of symbols,
They
are characteristic
of the rock
that
inscriptions
hieroglyphic
so
so
as to form
Asia
of
Minor,
placed together
sculptures
on
a
side
each
like
bounded
naiskos,
by two Ionic
something
columns.
In the example of pl. 47, a figure of a man
in
on
a
on
boot
laid
its
side, is
long
peculiar dress, standing
: in the
on
the
columns
between
p. 50,
example
represented
where the goddess stands beside her priest, the same position
a
to be undoubtedly
is occupied by what Perrot
considers
phallus.
that on the
It follows from the nature of this religion
rocks of Pteria we must expect to find in the diversity
of
of the one
many various manifestations
personages
to explain
them must begin by
life. The attempt
the cases where the same figure is repeated with
studying
divine
divine
and must
have at its disposal either the
or
of them.
representations
original
sculptures
satisfactory
as they
The photographs
M.
welcome
Perrot,
published
by
a
the basis of
discussion.
are, cannot be made
satisfactory
slight
variations,
are
In every figure I could see numberless
details which
on
is
the
the
invisible
bad
very
quite
light
photographs:
among the rocks, the apparatus can often not be put at the
proper position, and nothing
except either a series of careful
or a
with
made
the
drawings,
help of photographs,
complete
set of casts, can supply the place of the originals.
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120
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OP PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
of the series of figures on the right is a female
on a lion, which has its feet placed on four
deify standing
mountains.
On her head is the turreted crown, which was
The
head
in Qreece
the distinguishing
mark
of the Asian
goddess
occurrence at Pteria,
its
but
from
which,
Cybele,
frequent
can hardly be more than the mark of womanhood,
of the
female sex in its properly female function and not as setting
aside
the distinction
between
her
hands in the attitude
in the art of Cappadocia;
male
which
and female.
is characteristic
She
holds
of women
the right hand raises a symbol in
front of her, the left holds some object towards her mouth.
on a
She is followed by a youthful
god standing
leopard,
on mountains.
In this pair one
whose feet also are planted
must
in one
the mother and son, Cybele and Atys
recognize
The leopard
Demeter
and Dionysos.
of his manifestations,
on which the god stands is the favourite animal of the Greek
between
A few other examples of the connexion
Dionysos.
and
and the religion of Phrygia
the sculptures of Pteria
But
few
in
Hell.
1882.
Journ.
have
been
Stud.
given
Lydia
so
on
have
their
character
rocks
the
these
of
plainly
figures
; and without better material for
expressed as these examples
study,
the whole
set must
III.?Archaic
remain
Phrygian
unexplained.
Inscriptions.
have been made very
copies of these inscriptions
to the forms of the
attention
and
with
special
carefully,
I had Mordtmann's
letters.
1, 2, 3,
copies of Nos.
with
the
them
and
9
in
8
and
7,
my hands,
compared
The
than twenty inaccuracies.
in them I found more
original;
Sleuart is far more trustworthy, but ho has several faults, and
Texior has
the shape of the letters.
did not copy accurately
9.1
also copied Nos. 1, 2, 7, 8 and
1
Mordtmann,
Sitzungsb.
of Lydia and Phrygia;
Steuart, Ancient Monuments
As tho Phrygian
Pair. Ahad.
alphabet
1862, p. 35; Texier, Asie Mineurc.
he
transliterated
cannot
short
tho
does not distinguish
vowels,
inscriptions
loug aud
to
transcribe
used
Roman
character
the
therefore
have
I
by tho Greek symbols;
remarks on these inscriptions
I shall often refer to M. Schmidt's
them.
(Ncuo
in tho last
of the Phrygian
discussion
Fick's
to
glosses
136), and
Lyk. Stud.
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3.
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 121
it is difficult to dis
inscriptions,
gamma and lambda. One of these is represented
tinguish
A, the other is given as T, or f, or I*, or perhaps
by
always
.
to make
the
in accordance with
It is more
h
analogy
in all archaic Greek
As
this reading gives
former gamma, and the latter lambda:l
For example,
easier to interpret in the inscriptions.
in No. 12 we have the choice between malar kubile and matar
words
knbige, in No. 1 between lavaltaei and gavagtaei.
in two forms, used in
Another
difficult
symbol occurs
tho forms are $ and
the same word
in Nos.
2 and 5:
of a word between
f .2 It occurs in the first syllable
can
can
iota
and
and
therefore
kappa
hardly be koppa. Nor
It must
it be phi, for aspirates are not found in Phrygian.
therefore be some symbol unknown
in the later Greek alpha
as
occur
the
in
and
such
of Caria, Lycia,
bet,
alphabets
The two variants have very little resemblance
Pamphylia.
one
to
another, but one of them is not unlike tho symbol
It is not allowable to understand
used in la f it, No. 7.
this
as psi, for no
(ci
is
xi
and
is
older
than
known,
symbol
symbol
Gr. Alph. p. 38).
If the form Y is a
psi (see Kirchh.
variant of 1s, the sound may perhaps be a palatal sibilant,
is represented
like that which
by the symbol T T or Y in
The oldest form must then
Carian, Lycian, and Pamphylian.
If this
be 9 or cp ?and later forms are T, 41, Y and t.
in
the
older
be
correct, Ky
Phrygian
hypothesis
inscriptions
represents xi, which in No. 7 (the latest of all in my opinion)
is represented by K?.
Zeta is one of the commonest symbols.
to Pick
According
it represents an original gh. It occurs frequently as the final
letter (see 7, 8, 9), and must in these cases represent simply
a soft sibilant. We fiud that on coins of Brouzos,
the only
I
add that in every discrepancy
Spmchcinheit.
chapter of his Ehemalige
may
between my readiug and the published
that I
copies, tho reader may understand
I made my own copies of 1,
specially compared the older copy with the stone.
2, 3, 7, 8, 9, compared them with the older copies, and then compared each with
the stone.
Time failed mo iu the case of 4, 6, 6.
1 The
form
of Arccsinc
in..
|* for lambda occurs iu an archaic
iuscriptiou
a Milesian
1882, p. 187):
Amorgos,
f? aud Y wert'
colony (Bull. Corr. Hell.
used for lambda in Argos.
2 Tho second
as the stone is worn.
form may possibly be more complicated,
vol.
xv.?[new
semes.]
9
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122
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
spells the name with sigma, all the later
a final zeta occurs
in the inscriptions,
in 7, 8, and 9 (the latest), rarely in any
autonomous specimen
ones with zeta:l and
very frequently
other.
Theta and H
are the only old Greek
letters
that are
occur
in
No
in
the
either
wanting
Phrygian.
aspirates
early
or in the
of the Koman
Phrygian
Phrygian
inscriptions
period ; and cases occur where an original aspirate is repre
sented by the corresponding
consonant.
The language had
lost the aspirates and did not need the
therefore, like Latin,
theta. Perhaps
the want of H is accidental, and it might be
found if longer inscriptions were known.
in the oldest inscriptions by a seven
Sigma is represented
or five-barred
a serpent:
like
then seems to come
zigzag,
a four-barred
sigma, and last, a form with three bars, the
one on
In the Attic
early Greek
inscriptions.
the four-barred
sigma seems to be later than the
alphabet
can be
but
in Naxos,
where
the alphabet
three-barred,
traced very far back, the four bars occur in the oldest known
usual
the three bars are known only in those
inscriptions, while
which are later.2
It is natural
to inquire
learned
the Phrygians
how
their alphabet.
It is evident
that they use the Greek
alphabet, and not the Phoenician;
thoy employ the upsilon,
and have modified
the same symbols
to serve as vowels
uses
that the Greek
for
There
this
purpose.
alphabet
or
either
learned
from
the
the
Greeks
Greeks
fore,
they
from them.
It is impossible
for two reasons
to believe
that the Phry
In the first place
the
alphabet.
the Greek has this
alphabet has no theta, while
Phrygian
Phoenician
the original Phoenician
form
Secondly,
symbol.
case
is retained more closely,
in
of
the
in
iota,
especially
originated
gians
the
than in Phrygian.
Greek
was borrowed from Greek
1Num.
1 Even
Arch.
It seems certain that Phrygian
at a particular
stage of its de
Chron. viii. p. 69: Atmali.
18GI, p. 149.
those which aro later go back nearly to the sixth
Ztff. 1879, p. 84.
century:
see Fraukcl,
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 123
velopraent.
far away
If
so, how did
from
the Greek
Sangarius
Before
P
the Greek
as
world
travel so
alphabet
the source of the
to answor this question,
let
trying
a
on
which
two
of
is
sides
inscribed
13,
of the country stone in the village of Euyuk
; it
in the
the same as that copied by Mordtmann
No.
us
look
at
block
large
is evidently
same place
(No. 14), but he did not observe that the stone was inscribed
on two sides.
It is probably hopeless to think of explaining
this inscription;
but the fact of its existence
the
beyond
a
in
in
where
many inscriptions
Halys,
country
hieroglyphics
occur, is very remarkable.
is, as we have seen, an
Euyuk
are
the art and religion
of Cappadocia
early site where
same forms as at Pteria.
same
in
the
The
presented
alpha
the same elongated
bet with
the same peculiar
character,
tau with a little cross line at the top, the same five-barred
and in
sigma of serpentine
form, etc., occur at Euyuk
Phrygia.1
In attempting
to connect
the scattered fragments
of the
this
fact
is
Minor,
very important, and
past history
two inferences may be drawn from it. In the first place,
on the
at Euyuk
must
be transliterated
the inscription
of
the
In
the
second
inscriptions.
analogy
Phrygian
place,
learned the
any theory as to the way in which the Phrygians
iu
alphabet must account for the use of the same alphabet
of Asia
Cappadocia.
The first
idea that occurs
to one's mind
is that the Phry
learned
the
from
Greeks
of Ionia.
the
If so,
gians
alphabet
it must have been learned by the Lydians
must
and
first,
then have been imparted by them to the Phrygians,
and
we should then have an
thence have spread into Cappadocia;
instance where education propagated
itself back from the west
to the east of Asia Minor.
This could not begin to take place
before the rise of the Mermnad
dynasty and the openiug up
1 I do not
think
given by Hamiltou,
Hamilton
letters.
the value
realized
from Euyuk
in symbols
that the inscription
partly Grtt.-k
i. p. 329, is to be relied on for the forms of the
Travels,
is au accurato observer
iu most respects, but he had u<>t
as is evident
of such details,
from his Greek and Latin
inscriptions.
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124
HISTOEICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
to Greek influence, i.e. at the very earliest 650-600.
can be gathered
as to the state of the Ionic
at
this time proves that it was much more developed
alphabet
None of
than that from which
is borrowed.
the Phrygian
of Lydia
Now all
that
our extant monuments
the
if at all, beyond
go back much,
of
at
distinction
the
time
it
is
certain
that
but
that
600,
year
consonants f and
the long and short vowel e, the compound
%, had all been developed.
symbols <f>,
i|r, the non-Phoenician
that the Phrygians
learned an
But
it is equally certain
none of these later characteristics
had
which
; and
alphabet
the
felt
it will perhaps appear that the Phrygians
actually
want of a long vowel symbol, intermediate
between a and e.
to suppose that the alphabet was
not possible
a
transmitted by this route without
putting it back to period
to prove
and no analogy
when we can find no warrant
It is therefore
that
intercourse
country.
Only
existed
the
between
last necessity
the Greeks
would
and
justify
the
inner
such
an
hypothesis.
occur on monuments
The Phrygian
which
inscriptions
some
are
but
of
which
show no mark of Hellenic
influence,
of
the
Oriental
made
after
work.
The
analogy
obviously
so far as he saw them, has led M.
style of these monuments,
viz. that the country was at
Perrot to the same conclusion,
the time under the influence of the east, and was quite
than these inscribed monu
ignorant of Greek art. Later
its way
into the
ments, we see the art of Greece
forcing
itself
and
the
and
country,
establishing
gradually
ousting
Oriental
character.
in
let us consider ho^ far we are warranted
existed
the
between
Ionian
Greeks
supposing
even in the fifth century.
It
and the interior of Phrygia,
seems probable that Herodotus
has brought together all that
of Asia
he could learn of the character and the history
references
The
Minor
in his great work.
which
he
only
are:
to Phrygian
makes
of the
(1) the episode
history
Moreover,
that intercourse
at the court of Croesus,
refugee Adrastus
(2) the state
of Croesus,
ment
that it formed part of the dominion
(3)
at Delphi
the tale of the throne dedicated by King Midas
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 125
that one
which
is a statement
time of Gyges,
of
Of the geography
may hesitato to accept as historical.
wo
his
from
learn
Herodotus,
except
nothing
Phrygia
account of Oelaenae
This district
and the Lvcus
vallev.
before
the
he had himself
traversed,1 and here his account is minute
and careful:
the contrast with his utter silence about the
as a
rest of Phrygia
has already been taken by others
of
of
his
the
Of
he
proof
country.
ignorance
Cappadocia
more
reason
than of Phrygia:
is clear.
knows
and here the
had gone to Sinope, had coasted along past the Halys,
and had learned from the Greek
traders about the distance
across to Cilicia,
about the course of the Halys
and the
over
to his
contrast
Here
the
about
Pteria.2
it,
again
bridge
silence about Phrygia
about
is a proof of his ignorance
He
It would
therefore
appear that the
fifth century
in
the
the
Greeks
knowledge
possessed
by
about the interior of Asia Minor was confined to the reports
of traders in Sinope, and to the open valley of the Lycus;
of its history they knew only the cases where it had come in
contact with the Lydians,
and vague reports about kings who
on
cities
and who possessed well-built
the
reigned
Sangarius,
was
them
to
have
One
said
of
(flora. Hymn. Aphr.
112).
the
latter
country.
his own beautiful
throne to the god of Delphi
presented
i.
(Herod,
14).
were
At
the time of Xerxes'
the Phrygians
expedition
and Cappadocians,
armed like the Paphlagonians
while the
Tho distinction
shows
Lydians were armed like the Greeks.
that
the Lydians
than
thoroughly
had
the
adopted
Greek
habits
much
more
the warlike
; doubtless
the
Greek
had
connexion,
kings,
encouraged
method
tho
Greek
of
warfare.
adopted
improved
suffice to show that tho Greek alpha
These considerations
bet could not have travelled from Ionia direct into
Phrygia
in the seventh century.
Let us now consider the situation of Asia Minor before
Mermnad
Phrygians
who
1 Its trade with Miletus
is
alluded to
by nippouax,
2 The ideas hero stated areprobably
those at which Matzat
exactly
in Uermts,
vi. pp. 392-486.
dotot's A nga ben Uber Asieu,"
fr. 36, Bcr<rk.
arrives, "llero
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126
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OFniRYGIA
AND CAPPADOCIA.
to us by the remains of its art and
b.c, as revealed
civilization.
We
have found that there was a considerable
and the western
Pteria
intercourse maintained
between
is at first a
art
the
of
that
and
of
countries,
Lydia
Phrygia
a more developed
mere
form still
in
and
of
reproduction
Let us
of Cappadocia.
suggested by the art and civilization
now compare the picture drawn by Curtius of tho commer
as the
of exchange
of Sinope1
cial importance
emporium
the east and the Greeks
i. 405), and
between
Gesch.
(Gr.
is immediately
remember that Pteria
south of Sinope on the
it and tho east, and that the two cities
high road between
are named in connexion
It is certain then
by Herodotus.
and it
that Pteria and Sinope were in constant
intercourse,
650
at
alphabet was introduced
Pteria through this connexion, and thence spread to Phrygia.
is in perfect analogy with all that we know
This supposition
in the eighth and seventh centu
of the state of Asia Minor
addition to the forces that
ries, and requires no hypothetical
becomes
we know
probable
that the Greek
the
at work moulding
then actually
of
The
Greeks
from
Cappa
history
Sinope got
but they had a far
of tho East;
docia the manufactures
more
of writing,
serviceable
which was doubtless
method
in commercial
transactions.
The
of use
Cappadocians
to have
been
of the time.
art from
the Greeks,
and the Phrygians,
it
turned
from
the
Cappadocians,
apparently
learning
The same his
to account far more than their teachers.
can bo seen in the western
colonies.
torical phenomenon
learned
the
it
Etruria
traders
and Latium
of Cumae,
learned
the Greek
the Celtiberians
from
from the
alphabet
the Greek colonies
of Spain.
was
the northern
and
Now
parts
Sinope
destroyed,
were
of Asia Minor,
including Phrygia,
ravaged
by the
about 670 B.C. The city was not
Cimmerians
probably
and the reasons
till 630:
above given make
refounded
that the alphabet was
later than
learned
it improbable
then
that
the
It
and
this date.
follows
Phrygian
Cappa
1
Sinope
was a
colony
of Milotus.
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 127
docian
alphabet
of Sinope and
century
reveals
to us the stage at which the alphabet
was in the eighth
city Miletus
its parent
b.c.
Did
the Phrygians
learn from the Milesian
colonists
the
or
or
non-Greek
did they invent
Its
it?
9,
symbol t
occurrence
in Caria, the country where Miletus
prove*
lay,
that the former alternative must be adopted. We are referred
back to a time when the Greeks were still trying to accommo
own needs : it is known
date the Phoenician
alphabet to their
that this operation required a long time and many tentatives
on the Phoenician
to perform. The first modification
alphabet
was the institution of vowel
signs: this had been accomplished
the
before the Phrygians
learned to use Greek signs.
Next,
some
for
need of special symbols
and for the
consonants,
distinction
required
methods
of long and short vowels e and o was felt.
It
to satisfy the want, and various
tentatives
tried.
The Naxian
and Thasian
group of
use O for the short sound, others do the opposite:
many
were
alphabets
some use Y to denote the guttural aspirate, others to denote
the Ionic alphabet, completed
before 600 b.c,
psi. Finally
over
Asia Minor.
itself
and
established
Greece
gradually
Greek
At the time when the Phrygians
the
adopted
signs,
was
the Ionian alphabet
still in process of formation, and Y
had not yet acquired its final signification.
The steps in this
are
but materials
have not yet been determined,
process
for it; and important evidence may
gradually accumulating
be furnished by the semi-Greek
of Caria, Lycia,
alphabets
and Phrygia.
the
Ionic
Apparently,
alphabet had not begun
to distinguish
the long and short e and o, at thc time when
the Phrygian
from it; but it was intro
alphabet diverged
new
consonantal
the want
ducing
symbols.
Unfortunately
of aspirates in Phr3rgian deprives us of all information about
possible symbols
for xi and psi.
for phi and chi.
None
had yet been devised
1, 2, and 3 form a group, connected with the Tomb
on the rock above the tomb,
No. 1 is engraved
of Midas.
side:
it runs
No. 2 on the carved work at the right-hand
Nos.
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128
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
from top to bottom.1
Both read from right to left,
vertically
are
and the letters
of great size, deeply and squarely cut.
All the lines are beautifully
regular and fine.
1.
ates
arkiaeFais
akenanoloFos
midai
laFaltaei
Fanaktei
edaes.
Ates
is doubtless
the nominative
singular of the stem atu
or attu, the name of the chief Phrygian
It
god.
occurs as a personal name in the Lydian
royal family:
it was
of
the regular official name of the high-priest
Pessinus.
Atd occurs as a feminine name in Phrygia.
Phrygian
so attaia
cities
are
often
of Attu,"
Clan
Aloudda,
(cp.
derived
is also doubtless
called
"Town
attoudda
(for attafia),
of Mysia
Attea
noudda).
or attefia.
-Ss is
The
termination
from attafia
common in
e.g. TottSs, Onnes, Ies, Hy?s,
Phrygian,
Attes.
ae occurs frequently.
It
The combination
arkiaeFais.
be a device
a vowel sound unex
to represent
the
Greek
pressed by
alphabet.
or
akcnano-laFos
with
Doru-laAis
bo compared
may
a Pontic
in the Phrygian
name,
Dorulas,
implied
town Doru-la/'-io-n,
and with
the Greek
'A^ikefe,
and the accu
is a genitive,
j3ao-i\ U9. AkenanolaFos
may
sative
occurs
therefore
termination
in No.
belongs
av
6 as akinanolaFan.
to the consonantal
in
tho Greek
third
The
word
declension,
declension
the
is
known
We
in several dialects,
especially Cypriote.
in the very common Phrygian
have an exact parallel
name Akulas
the same as the
; this is evidently
or
a
river god and hero, and
Lydian Akeles
M^eX?;?,
Akkila-io-n
the town-name
for
of
original
from coins.
Akulas,
Akeles,
yA/c/ct\dF-io-v, known
or
or Acheles
the Greek M^tXeu?,
is evidently
same as
and
Akkilaion
the
M^eXo'F-io-s,
'AxtWevs,
the
'il^eXojos.
1 It does not read
on Leake's
upwards, as Leake says: a mistake
known, but I had his book in my hand before tho Tomb.
part
is hardly
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 129
is evidently
the dative of Midas, which was one of
the two common names for the kings of Phrygia.
lavaltaei is perhaps
the dative of an -t stem, like TroXrp :
Midai
the stem
is apparently
hero-name
Fanaktei
is
the same as that of the Greek
Laertes.
Greek
the dative of tho word which
as ava\* ; here it must
obviously
midai,
and
appears
in
with
agree
is a
it thus becomes
lavaltaei, which
It is probable
dative, and a second name of Midas.
that two other examples
of the double name occur
on this tomb, see No. 2.
Tho
edaes is evidently
third personal singular of a verb.
tense could
-ti of the present
termination
original
as it did in
not have become
-?*' or -s in Phrygian
Greek, for it remains in the later Phrygian
inscrip
tions in the form addaket;
edaes must therefore be
a past tense.
The ae is perhaps a long vowel sound,
and we have in edaes the original adhdt, Greek edt}(r);
where the vowel ae is a sound between a and e. ad
dak-ct
of
is then the third person singular present
a stem dhak, which is seen in the Greek &>')tcr),edr]Ka,
a preposition
ad.
with
etc., and it is compounded
no
like
has
Latin,
Phrygian,
aspirates.
so far as we can guess
The meaning,
it, is therefore,
. . .
Ates
Midas
Laertes, the king.
placed to
2. Baba memeFais proitavos k <J>
izanaFczos sikencman egaes.
Along with this inscription we must take No. 5. Bba meme*
Fais proitavos k f ianaFezos akaralasun egaes.
are evidently duplicates,
The two inscriptions
except that
sikeneman in No. 2 is replaced by akaralasun in No. 5. There
are three slight variations:
Baba in No. 2, Bba in No. 5;
9 in No. 2, ^ in No. 6; z, which occurs in the fourth word
of No. 2, is omitted in No. 5.
The first three words, Baba memeFais proitaFos,
offer an
exact parallel
akenanolaFos,
to the first three words
and
it cannot
planation
applies to both.
stain proitav, which reminds
1, ates arkiaeFais
that a similar ex
of No.
be doubted
Proitavos
us of the
is the genitive
Argive
King
of a
Proitos
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130
HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
must be
and his daughters
the nominative
the Proitides:
either Proitu-s or Proitas
Memevais,
arkiaevais,
(like akulas).
are nominatives
the opening
going with
personal names;
that they are adjectives:
suggests
are
of double name?
examples
they
son
double name is
Kal
of
Proitu:
the
6
Baba,
Memevais,
time.
characteristic
in later
of Phrygia
or
is a form of the common personal namo Babas
Baba
"
see Journ. Hell, Stud. 1882, pt. i., In
Ouaouas, on which
the
similar
Schmidt
termination
thinks
that
scriptions from Nacoleia."
Sikeneman
and Akaralasun
are
accusatives
evidently
see
is
governed by egaes.
probably neuter;
edaes
No. 7, onoman.
must
of
be
from
egaes
distinguished
1. Thero
is no doubt about the reading.
the inscr. No.
edaes has a dative after it, but there is here an
Moreover,
The
termination
look for a root ga, not for a
root gha, which would in Phrygian
rather become za. Can
sense of the root
this root be connected with the transitive
gam or ga seen in some parts of the Greek fialvco, and
perhaps in the title jflaoxXct)??1
3. This inscription is engraved along the three walls of a
accusative
instead.
We
must
cave in the rock on which
tomb is
the Midas
rudely-formed
cut. The cave is close to tho carved front of the tomb on
the city side.
It is about five feet in breadth, and two and a
half feet deep. At the left-hand side it is now about six feet
side four and a half feet high;
the
high, at the right-hand
to
The
from
left
down
roof slopes
inscription begins
right.
on the left-hand wall at the front, and runs along it in a
horizontal
back wall,
line
to the back.
not horizontally,
Then
but
it continues
along the
so as to be parallel
sloping,
1 If we consider tho situation
ono on tho carved
of theso two inscriptions,
the other facing the spectator as ho ascends a flight of
of the Midas-tomb,
the possibility
and rock-altars,
suggests itself
steps surrouuded by rock-sculptures
then tlie inscrip
around:
of tho monuments
that both refer to the construction
tion over the tomb of Midas
(No. 1) is tho dedicatory formula, that at tho side is
is then the
Sikeneman
artist's signature."
the record of the building?"the
of the tomb; akaralasun of the place where most of the interesting
designation
on
a
No. 6 is carved
of the city are collected.
rock-monuments
panel, which has
it has no connexion
cither
been left simply to 6trike tho eye of tho spectator;
a
at
tho
side of the steps.
with an altar or
tomb, but stands upright and isolated
no
a
I
attach
I need hardly add that this is
special value.
suggestion to which
work
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 131
the right-hand
line of the roof. On reaching
wall,
are about
letters
The
it
horizontally.
along
inches high, and have been cut one and a half to
eighteen
two inches deep in the rough stone.
They have been cut
a square chisel, about an inch broad, so that
with
apparently
the sides of the cut are parallel.
The inscription
reads: as tugleniz ae esurzozoz latin, and
It consists either of
another word which is hopelessly gone.
to the
it is continued
/. The
if it has five, the first is certainly
four letters or five;
second may be either e or F or /, but as the third is almost
we can
r (it is
suppose
hardly
possible that it is b),
certainly
a (g is
is probably
letter
the
is
fourth
second
The
/.
that
we can hardly suppose it in this place).
The
but
possible,
i or z, probably the latter. The admissible
therefore are ieraz, iFraz, Fraz, eraz\ it is barely
readings
r and z should be changed to b and i.
that
possible
/ and e in the
There is room for i on the stone between
second word, and the surface is worn, but I could sec no sign
that it had existed.
has i iu his copy,1 but his
Mordtmann
last letter is either
authority ranks very low.
Tho curious word ae occurs also in the very doubtful
scription 13 ; and aez probably occurs in 8.
Totin is, as Schmidt
of Tottes,
saw, the accusative
in
the
name
of the Phrygian
who, along with Onnes,
brought
of the Cabeiri
to Miletus.
It is doubtless
the mysteries
related to the personal names Tatias, Tattion, Tata, Tataia,
:
and the name of the lake Tatta.
Tatias: Tatas:: Marsuas
and Tottes
Tatas
Masses
:: papias : papas !: aineias : aini.
are variants
like Atreus
and Ottalos,
and Otreus, Attalos
Anes and Onnes, etc.
is engraved on a rock above an altar;
4. This inscription
but great part of it has been broken away, and there was
a line above, and
of this
probably
certainly a continuation
It is
line to the right.
The fragment
reads abasimanakio.
were
the
not divided
words in this inscription
probable that
by marks of separation, and that these twelve letters do not
1 I had his
copy before me,
and
compared
it with
the stone
to verify
this
point.
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PIIRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
132
to read it of
all belong to one word ; but Schmidt's
attempt
course falls to the
ground when the position of the fragment
is explained.
on a large square vertical panel cut in
5. Is engraved
a rock.
This and the last inscription are within a few yards
of one another, just below the rock sculptures described
in
"
the Journ. Hell.
St. 1882, pt. i.
of
libck Cemeteries
The
Phrygia."
letters are about
The
reading has already been considered.
not
five inches high, and
finely and deeply
cut like the first four inscriptions.
on one side of a very
6. This
is engraved
inscription
remarkable
rock monument
of religious
character inside the
to say whether
It is impossible
(described I.e.).
is
think
it
is.
The letters,
but
I
inscription
complete,
about seven inches high, are unfortunately
much worn, and
some are very uncertain.
reads akinanolaFan
It probably
Midas
city
the
tizes mogro?anak a?arz.
The first two words
are
or arok;
quite
final
certain.
k occurs
The
third
also
in No.
is
8.
perhaps mogrolanak
The fourth word is probably aFarz, possibly agarz.
7. Beads probably zosesait materez cFeteksetiz oFcFin onoman
la Y it lakegokez FenaFtun oFtaz materez.
rock over a tomb
The letters are
sunk niche.
as on the tomb of
cut:
squarely
inscription is engraved
is carved in a slightly
This
which
on the uncut
and
deeply
are
shaped, tho round letters perfectly
beautifully
they
8 is
lines
No.
the
circular,
straight.
straight
perfectly
on
the
front
of
carved
the
three
letters,
except
engraved,
very
Midas
large,
tomb, No. 9 is partly on the side of the niche, at right
on the carved
angles to the face of the tomb, and partly
means
of the dotted lines on
I have tried to mark by
front.
the uncut rock and
the plate the difference of level between
the face of the tomb within the niche.1
falls into two parts, each of
This inscription
apparently
five words,
person
singular
1 Texier's
the Midus
with a verb in
beginning
Each
contains
present.
part
and each
plates make
tomb.
it easier
to understand
tho character
the
third
the word
of this tomb and of
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
133
an accusative
and
oFcFin, FenaFlun,
matcrez, each contains
a word ending in z, eFeteksetiz, gakelokez.
matcrez is some case of the word that means mother, which
With
the
occurs in No. 11 as malar:
it is perhaps plural.
in malar, matcrez,
compare Greek prjrtjp, prjripa.
a in matar is remarkable, and may be compared
of
In a late Phrygian
with the Elean rrardpa.
inscription
the class described at the end of this article, I find etitfetik
menos asti instead of the usual elittetikmenos eitu. If Schmidt
vowels
The
second
is right in making
the substantive
of
both asti and matar
the history
the Greek
eitu the imperative,
iart,.
verb, Greek
conflicts with
e. The
of the vowel
asti
is the
indicative,
in
vocalisation
The
the prevalent
resemblance
theory about
of onoman to
the
but perhaps
is striking,
delusive;
same
as
the
is
doubtless
-man, however,
-par,
-mant. A similar remark
both going back to the original
between aFlaz and auras, Naxian
applies to the resemblance
aFvros, Pamphylian
dAros, i.e. aicutos (see "Pamph. Inscrr."
in Journ. Hell. St. i.).
aez
aemnoz
akenanolaFos
8. Frekun
tegatoz gostutut??
ovopar
termination
materan
arezastin
bonok akenanolaFo[s].
like the last, seems
inscription,
This
parts
of five words
akenanolaFos,
materan
each
arezastin.
each.
Each
contains
If
a verb
part
an
could
to fall
ends with
accusative
be
into
two
the word
Frekun
and
discovered
among
the other words, it might
the con
be easier to understand
struction of the sentence.
Frekun is perhaps accusative of the Phiygian
name, which
is represented
in Greek as $op/eu<;, leader of the Phrygians
at Troy (Iliad, ii. 8G2).
9. atanizen kurzanezon tanelertoz. As Nos. 7, 8, and 9 are
on one tomb, it is possible
that they should be read con
case
8 probably gives the beginning
and
tinuously ; in that
9 the end. The inscription seems metrical.
10. Apela?
The first word
o?ekas(eFunos.
or apelar, or apelan.
followed by punctuation,
certain that punctuation
marks are employed
The letters on the prepared part of thc
tion.
is either
apelai
It is not quite
in this inscrip
rock are finely
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA.
134
1-3.
and deeply cut, after the fashion of the inscriptions
at the right-hand
side are much worn and difficult
or
to read with certainty.
Apelan may recall Doric Apellon
Those
Etruscan Aplun.
was
the
This
11. motor
kubile.tozen.
inscription
one that we found in the necropolis
at Ayazeen.
It
only
is cut in the rock above a rock altar; the whole boing placed
in a deep oblong
in height.
niche,
about
fourteen
feet broad and eight
About forty letters in the middle have been
The last five letters,
defaced by human hands.
purposely
more
the
are
the
than
sheltered
which
first, are cut with
as
1-3.
same deep square fashion
inscriptions
to see here a place of worship of the
It is very tempting
over the altar to read the invocation
Cybcle, and
Phrygian
"
Mother Cybelo."
12. I did not observe, till too late, that this inscription,
taken from Steuart, is a poor copy of that given above, under
No.
6.
Is cut on a rock at the marble quarries of Docimion.
like all the other rock inscriptions
doubtless
It is
Christian,
near
the
in and
quarries.
on the
an hour west from Tricoraia, now Kaimaz,
About
a
now
is
deserted
road to Nacoleia,
Seidi-Ghazi,
cemetery.
13.
it are two broken columns of Docimian marble, very like
Each of these two has
others in the cemetery of Kaimaz.1
in badly-shaped
on one side the name of Saint Thekla,
On the other side one of them has the
letters.
Byzantine
? ,
inscription:
In
AAMAM
OA
the other has the inscription:?
AHAM
OAA
The word Mandolo written from right to left is very remark
It is evident that there was a church of Agia Thekla
able.
1Mordtmann
saw ono of theso
columns.
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HISTORICAL RELATIONS OF PHRYGIA AND CAPPADOCIA. 135
at or near Tricomia,
but why Mandalo was inscribed retro
on the columns of her church is difficult to
explain.
grade
that Mandalo was
idea cannot bo entertained,
Mordtmanu'8
name
it is improbable that the
of Thekla;
a late period.1
to
such
language persisted
Phrygian
two
Mordtmann
inscriptions, No. 7 and 8 in his
gives
are
rude
order.
They
graffitti scratched on the rock of the
Midas Tomb, and I have not thought it worth while to give
them.
The formula of cursing the violator of the tomb was often
added on tombs of the Roman period in the native language,
more
as
being
probably
holy and efficacious with the N
gods
M.
Stud. p. 132).
I have found
Neue
Schmidt,
Lyk.
(see
several new examples, but shall not give them as yet, as no one
is quite perfect, and there is a hope that a decisive
instance
the Phrygian
The protasis of the formula, however, may,
may be found.
I think, be counted quite certain in reading:
ios ni semun2
knouman (or knuman P) i kakun addaket. Ni
is once replaced
once omitted.
09.
ios=zyos, Skt. ya-s, Greek
by ke, and
semon
and simun) perhaps accus.
Semun (also ocurring
sing,
neut. of a stem that appears in Latin seme-1, simi-lis, Greek
as a demonstrative,
knuman
hpa, etc.: it is used in Phrygian
'
mean
tomb':
sikeneman
in
No. 2.
cp.
may probably
perhaps
addaket has already been treated,
ke may mean
'and':
it
occurs after a sentence of Greek:
ni
corre
ke
and
or,3
may
av and tch.
kakun may possibly be the Greek
spond to
Koitbv: or ikakun may be a single word.
1 Tho
in Lydia before
language had disappeared
Lydian
still used iu the remote district of Cibyra (p. 031).
though
3 Rendered
iu Greek letters of course oi/xovv.
3 As Prof.
Sayce suggested.
the time of Strabo,
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