1. education
2. school

Insight 1
Violence in
UK schools:
what is really
happening?
Dr Jane Brown and Dr Mandy Winterton
bera
!
British Educational Research Association
Insight 1
Violence in UK schools:
what is really happening?
bera
!
British Educational Research Association
PREFACE
Violence Hollywood-style is a box-office draw all over the world yet we
abhor and indeed fear it when it comes close to our own lives. Arguably
we fear it more for our young people than ourselves – the argument
being that we are experienced enough to know where danger lies.
The tabloids periodically erupt with gory stories of serious violence in
schools, against pupils and teachers alike. What then for the parents
among us, worried about their children, and especially the youngest
ones? Bullying in schools is never far from a parent’s concern,
and there is no doubt that some tragic instances of bullying have
deservedly hit the headlines and shaken any complacency we might
have about this insidious phenomenon. But is serious violence in
schools as prolific as the media might have us think?
It is difficult to get a reliable view on this and that is why BERA
is promoting publications that are authoritative on a topic but
untrammelled by the usual elaborations of academic writing. This
Insight is one such publication – offering an in-depth but very
accessible overview of violence in schools. We hope a wide range of
audiences will find it helpful and informative – and if you have any
comments on it, we very much want to hear them at bera@bera.ac.uk.
!
John Gardner,
President, British Educational Research Asssociation
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
3
Published 2010 by the
British Educational
Research Association,
Chester House,
68 Chestergate,
Macclesfield, Cheshire,
SK11 6DY.
www.bera.ac.uk
Insight series editor
Stephanie Northen
Cover picture
Gandee Vasan,
gettyimages
Inside pictures
iStockphoto, Alamy
Bibliography
This Insight is the product of an
extensive and critical review of literature in
the field. It is available as a free download
from www.bera.ac.uk. Research
references have been removed for ease of
reading, but the bibliography can also be
found on the BERA website. More information
about the authors and the original project can
be found at www.education.ed.ac.uk/
schoolviolencereview/
© 2010 BERA.
All rights reserved.
ISBN 978-0-946671-30-4
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INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
CONTENTS
6
Acknowledgements
7
Introduction
8
Key messages
11 Defining school violence
14 Sources of information
17 Young people’s views and experiences
• Bullying
• Cyberbullying
• Assaults, theft, weapon carrying
28 Children excluded from school
31 Teachers’ views and experiences
35 The causes of school violence
38 Preventing violence in schools
44 Policy and practice: what can be done?
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5
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to extend our appreciation to a number of people
who helped us with this Insight. Michele Burman, Professor of
Criminology at the University of Glasgow where she is also
Co-Director of the Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research,
was our consultant and provided invaluable advice. We also
appreciated comments on early drafts from Mary Simpson,
Emeritus Professor, University of Edinburgh. Many thanks to our
colleague Jen Ross, Co-Director of Rosstait web consultants who
designed our web page. Thanks also to those who responded to
our requests for up-to-date research articles. Finally, thanks to the
Health Board for Scotland Library – in particular Margaret Didcot –
who undertook some searches for the review.
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INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
INTRODUCTION
Violence in UK schools:
what is really happening?
Newspaper reports frequently tell us that behaviour in UK
schools is getting worse. Bullying is commonplace, they
say, and teachers are harassed and abused on a daily basis.
Internationally, according to some experts, violence in
schools is a serious and growing problem. But what is the
evidence? Are schools in the UK really becoming more violent
places? And what do we actually mean by this?
This Insight review assesses the up-to-date information on this
controversial topic. There is a wealth of relevant material, but it
comes from a variety of sources and disciplinary perspectives.
We have brought it together in order to provide a broad, coherent
and, where information is available, an accurate picture of what
is happening. Some pupils, parents and teachers say that they
worry a great deal about bullying and safety in schools. While
these are understandable concerns, they nevertheless should be
tempered by the evidence.
Key messages are that extreme cases of violence, including
severe bullying which leads to death, are very rare in UK schools.
By contrast, low-level disruption, verbal aggression (for example,
between pupils and towards teachers) and cyberbullying appear
to be increasing. This Insight aims to show that the problems
confronting schools are indeed changing, but perhaps not in
the ways often suggested by the extreme cases highlighted
by the media.
Dr Jane Brown and Dr Mandy Winterton
Moray House School of Education
University of Edinburgh
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7
VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS: KEY MESSAGES
What is really happening?
•
Most children and young people say they feel safe
inside schools, particularly in teacher-controlled spaces.
•
•
•
Extreme and serious incidents of violence, including violent assaults, are very rare in UK schools.
About 16 young people commit suicide every year as a result of being bullied at school.
In large-scale surveys, about 50 per cent of primary pupils report that they have been bullied compared with 25 per cent of secondary pupils.
•
Children from marginalised and potentially
vulnerable groups are more likely to say they are bullied than their peers.
•
Many teachers say low-level disruption, such as pupils being noisy in class, is the biggest challenge to teaching and learning.
•
Boys, and especially black Caribbean boys, are disproportionally represented in statistics on
school exclusion.
•
Girls are more likely to self exclude and truant than be excluded from school.
8
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
•
•
•
The level of permanent exclusion from UK schools
is low, but this may reflect national policies rather than improvements in pupils’ behaviour.
Is violence in schools getting worse?
The incidence of weapon carrying in schools is low, but some teachers have recently reported increases.
Cyberbullying appears to be on the rise, particularly among teenage girls. Teachers also report increased exposure to cyberbullying.
•
•
Some forms of identity-based bullying appear to be on the increase.
Teachers report that they regularly witness verbal
aggression between pupils and an increasing
proportion say they have been aggressively
confronted by parents.
How can we tackle violence in schools?
•
A school’s atmosphere, its organisation and the quality of relationships between its teachers and
pupils are vital ingredients in preventing – or
encouraging – violence.
•
Most schools use a variety of approaches to
promote positive behaviour and to reduce
disruption and violence.
•
Forms of peer support and mentoring are
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
9
promising approaches to tackling bullying and
violence in schools. Such schemes are notable for actively engaging children in finding
solutions.
•
Restorative approaches and the deployment
of police officers appear to be useful ways of tackling anti-social behaviour in schools. These
relatively new initiatives require evaluation over
the longer term.
Are there any problems with the data?
•
In the UK more is known about pupil on pupil
violence than about other forms of violence in school (for example, teachers being violent with pupils or parents with teachers).
•
Different research designs and definitions, often
covering different periods of time and focusing on the different nations within the UK, make collation and
comparison of data on pupils’ behaviour especially difficult.
•
The quality of research evidence is much stronger in
some areas than others. For example, psychologists have undertaken a great deal of research on bullying.
In comparison, the evidence base regarding effective ways of tackling violence and bullying in schools is weak.
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DEFINING SCHOOL VIOLENCE
Why do we need a definition?
How school violence is defined determines what topics are
included and excluded in a discussion of the issue.
What counts as school violence?
Definitions of school violence vary widely so a single, agreed
definition simply does not exist. This is unsurprising given
that many disciplines are involved in the field – education,
psychology, criminology, health and sociology. Each discipline
has its own approach to, and perspectives on, school violence.
We know that teachers, parents, children and researchers can
have very different ideas about what constitutes school violence.
A person’s views on, and experiences of, violence are influenced
by their age, gender, race and sexuality. For example, research
shows that teenage boys are more likely to be at risk of physical
attack than girls of similar ages. Girls, on the other hand, are
more vulnerable to sexual harassment and violence. And while
some adults support a ban on smacking children, others would
not even categorise it as violence.
‘Teachers,
parents, children
and researchers
can have very
different ideas
about what
constitutes school
violence.’
What definition of violence do we use?
We have drawn on the work of Professors Rami Benbenishty
and Ron Avi Astor, who in 2005 comprehensively defined
school violence as: ‘behaviour intended to harm, physically or
emotionally, persons in school as well as their property and
school property’.
Their definition is broad, highlighting the following aspects:
• physical violence (such as pushes, kicks, punches, beating);
• stealing and damaging property;
• weapon use (carrying, threatening, using);
• sexual harassment;
• verbal and social violence (swearing, humiliation, social
exclusion, threatening behaviour, extortion).
A helpful idea used by some researchers relates to what is called
‘a continuum of violence’. This is useful because it is necessary
to distinguish between the routine – acts or behaviour which
we may ‘take for granted’ – and the extreme incidents of school
violence we hear about in the media.
More common, everyday types of violence include verbal
aggression and other kinds of disruptive behaviour which
teachers say seriously impedes teaching and learning. Extreme
kinds of school violence include disturbing and fatal incidents
such as the murder of headteacher Philip Lawrence in London
in 1995, the Dunblane massacre in 1996, the fatal stabbing of
14-year-old Luke Walmsley in Birkbeck high school, Lincolnshire,
in 2003, and the arrest in 2009 of the Mansfield science teacher
accused of the attempted murder of a pupil.
Does bullying count as violence?
Currently within education, there is a debate about whether
bullying should be regarded as violence. Academics, researchers
and policy-makers are increasingly including bullying in
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discussions about violence in schools. The vocabulary we use
to talk about a range of disruptive behaviours is changing in
line with the language used by other European countries. Today
the word ‘violence’ is regularly used to describe a continuum of
aggressive and disruptive behaviour occurring both inside and
outside schools.
Some experts say bullying is a subset of aggressive behaviour. A
common definition is that bullying is an intentionally aggressive
act, repeated over time and based on an imbalance of power.
Relentless repetition is a key feature of bullying which often
includes:
• name calling and teasing;
• damage to belongings;
• harassment by mobile phone, texts or e-mails.
To sum up ...
•
This review adopts a fairly broad definition of
violence in schools, including both physical and
emotional types, weapon carrying and damage
to property.
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13
SOURCES OF INFORMATION
Where does our information come from?
Information about crime, victimisation and bullying in schools
comes from youth surveys funded by government agencies
such as the Youth Justice Board and Ofsted. In England, until
2010, Ofsted collected data about young people in relation to the
five Every Child Matters ‘outcomes’ (staying safe, being healthy,
enjoying and achieving, making a contribution, and achieving
economic well-being). In addition to larger-scale surveys, there
are smaller, qualitative studies of young people known to be
more at risk of violence and victimisation, including those with
additional support needs. There is also a wealth of evidence
on the prevalence of bullying in UK schools. We know what
teachers and, to a lesser extent, support staff think as a result
of large-scale surveys by academic researchers and research
commissioned by teaching unions. Moreover, useful information
can be found in studies of workplace bullying.
What are the problems with the data?
The design of any research, including the sample size, influences
the claims that can be made about its findings. Definitions of
bullying vary between studies, as do research methodologies.
Researchers also often ask questions set within different time
frames (for example, in the last week, the last term or the last
year), making comparisons difficult.
Relying on information reported by the individuals concerned
(known as ‘self-report data’) is controversial. Researchers
know that people can misremember events or exaggerate
what happened. Some young people may under-report the
intimidation that takes place in schools. Some girls, for example
may accept sexual harassment as part of being female, while
boys may feel that telling a teacher about bullying undermines
their masculinity. Self-report surveys carried out in schools
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INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
will inevitably leave out some young people – those who are
ill, excluded or truanting, as well as mobile Gypsy/Traveller
children. This means that we have to be cautious about what selfreport data can tell us.
With respect to information about teachers, their unions tend –
unsurprisingly – to be concerned with members’ stress levels and
working conditions. Union surveys have been criticised because
they do not always fully explain how the research was carried out
– how teachers were recruited or the sample size, for example.
Sometimes they rely exclusively on self-selecting samples. While
these are legitimate concerns, the surveys do provide an insight
into teachers’ attitudes.
What can school exclusion data tell us?
Analysis of information about children excluded from school
reveals a great deal about social inequality. For example in 20078, according to the Scottish Executive, 11.7 per cent of excluded
pupils came from very deprived areas compared with only 1.5
per cent from more affluent areas.
Analysis also reveals much about the vulnerabilities of children.
This relates both to the life chances and experiences of specific
‘Some young people
may under-report
intimidation ...
Boys may feel
telling a teacher
about bullying
undermines their
masculinity.’
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
15
groups of children and to times when they are known to be more
at risk such as when changing school.
Nevertheless, care has to be taken in interpreting these data.
Changing patterns of exclusions may reflect changes in
government policy which deter schools from excluding
pupils rather than changes in behaviour. Also, the four UK
governments collect information on exclusions using different
terms and at different levels of detail. They describe behaviour
in different ways, making it hard to compare like with like
across the four nations. Information is also collected from
different starting points. Northern Ireland, for example, has only
monitored fixed-term exclusions since 2002.
Is school violence getting worse?
This is a difficult question to answer. First, the evidence comes
from a variety of sources and perspectives including official
statistics on health and education, and second, it is collected in
different ways. Again, this not only hinders comparisons over
time, but also across the UK. In addition, there is a profusion
of data on some topics, but not on others. We know a lot about
bullying and aggression among children, but much less about the
harassment of pupils by teachers.
To sum up ...
•
•
•
Different research designs and definitions
make comparisons difficult.
Self-report surveys are useful but the
information must be treated cautiously.
The data suggest that school violence is
changing in nature but is difficult to quantify
on a single scale.
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INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
YOUNG PEOPLE’S VIEWS AND EXPERIENCES
BULLYING
The extent of bullying
About 50 per cent of primary pupils and a quarter of secondary
pupils say they have been bullied at school at some time.
Researchers Christine Oliver and Mano Candappa from
the Institute of Education in London reported in 2003 that 51
per cent of Year 5 pupils said they had been bullied during
the previous term, compared to 28 per cent of Year 8 pupils.
Subsequent surveys such as that by Carol Hayden for the
Institute of Criminal Justice Studies in 2008 concurred,
reporting that a quarter of secondary pupils and a half of
primary pupils said they had been bullied in the previous
term. Similarly, the 2008 youth survey by MORI of 4,700 11
to 16-year-olds reported that 23 per cent had been victims of
bullying (25 per cent of 11 to 14-year-olds and 18 per cent of 15
to 16-year-olds). Just over a fifth – 22 per cent – worried about
being bullied, though 36 per cent were more concerned about
being physically attacked. Over the years in which MORI has been
conducting the survey – 2000 to 2008 – both these fears have
declined substantially.
This decline is perhaps echoed in the finding by Ofsted in
2007 that significantly higher proportions of 10 to 15-yearolds worried about exams and friendships than about being
bullied. Furthermore, 68 per cent of 16-year-olds claim never to
have been bullied at school, according to a 2009 survey by the
children’s charity ARK, in Northern Ireland.
The nature of bullying
Verbal abuse is by far the most frequently reported form of
bullying, and certainly teachers say that they regularly witness
pupils being verbally aggressive towards each other. Extreme
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17
‘About 50 per cent
of primary pupils
and a quarter of
secondary pupils
say they have been
bullied at school at
some time.’
and fatal cases of school bullying are very rare. An estimated 16
children in the UK kill themselves every year as a consequence
of being bullied at school. Reports of such high-profile incidents
suggest that the bullying was relentless and not addressed
sufficiently by the schools involved. This highlights the
importance of having effective and proactive bullying strategies
in place in schools. Nevertheless, it is worth pointing out that
while bullying affects large numbers of young people, they do
say that the incidents are often transient and relatively minor.
Who are the bullies?
Identifying the typical characteristics of a bully is not without
challenges and it is all too easy to slide into stereotypical
thinking. For instance, not all bullies have been bullied. Some
psychological studies highlight characteristics such as low
self-esteem, but other research suggests that bullies can also be
popular classroom leaders. This indicates that the psychological
profile of a bully is complex and multi-faceted.
Distinguishing between ‘bully’ and ‘victim’ can also be
misleading. Some studies show children who have been bullied
are more likely to bully. These ‘aggressive victims’ may be more
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conflict prone in their dealings with other children and teachers.
Certainly pupils who have been permanently excluded from
school are more likely to report being both bully and bullied than
other children, according to the 2004 MORI research. Children
who have changed school, as well as those with a predilection for
fighting and other ‘acting out’ behaviours are also more likely to
become bullies.
Who is bullied?
Some pupils are particularly vulnerable to victimisation,
including those with additional support needs. In an extensive
sample of primary and secondary children, more than a quarter
of those being bullied were recipients of learning support.
Other vulnerable groups include young refugees, looked-after
children, and those from minority ethnic and/or religious
backgrounds, including Gypsy/Traveller children. In 2003, a third
of black and Asian pupils reported being bullied in the previous
term, as did 30 per cent of pupils from other ethnic groups.
More recently, two thirds of teachers questioned in a 2009 poll
for Teachers TV said that racist bullying was a problem in their
school.
Also in 2009, the NASUWT teachers’ union highlighted a growth
in the bullying of immigrant children from eastern Europe. In
addition, its report on prejudice-related bullying drew attention
to the plight of overweight or obese children, saying that
victimisation on the basis of body size is common.
Gay pupils are another at-risk group. In 2007, two-thirds of gay,
lesbian and bisexual pupils in secondary schools said they were
bullied, a proportion that rose to 75 per cent in faith schools,
according to the gay rights group Stonewall. It also reported that
homophobic language was routine, with more than 80 per cent
of gay pupils indicating that they heard it frequently. More than
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
19
half of gay and lesbian pupils reported feeling uncomfortable
and unable to be themselves at school. Similarly, the Northern
Ireland Young Life and Times Survey in 2005 found that 67 per
cent of 16-year-old boys who had been ‘same sex attracted’ at
least once reported being bullied, compared to 24 per cent of
other 16-year-olds. The table (below) summarises the findings
of a small study which asked 81 children to explain why some
pupils are bullied.
Reason for being bullied
Girls
They dress different or look different
17
They are weak/don’t stand up for themselves
4
Because of their race/skin colour
6
They are ugly/overweight/have spots/wear glasses 8
They are newcomers who can’t speak English
2
They have a disability
1
They are thought to be gay
1
They are geeks/too clever
5
Boys
Total
6
7
10
4
2
4
2
2
23
11
16
12
4
5
3
7
!
Source: Butler (2007)
To sum up ...
•
•
•
•
•
About 50 per cent of primary pupils and a
quarter of secondary pupils say they have been bullied at school.
Many children report that the bullying they
suffer is transient and minor.
Extreme and fatal cases of bullying are rare,
nevertheless, about 16 young people commit
suicide each year as a result of being bullied.
The distinction between ‘bully’ and ‘victim’ can be misleading.
Bullies often target specific groups of children.
20
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YOUNG PEOPLE’S VIEWS AND EXPERIENCES
CYBERBULLYING
Cyberbullying with its abusive text messages, video clips and
emails is a relatively new phenomenon and studies suggest it is
on the increase in schools. Conducted via mobile phones, social
networking sites and instant messaging, it gives bullies the
power to reach their victims anywhere and at any time. It also
gives them access to a potentially huge audience – for example,
by putting photos or video clips online – while remaining hard to
identify.
Nearly half of 10 to 15-year-olds have experienced some form
of online cyber abuse, according to a 2010 survey of 3,300
young people by the Anti-Bullying Alliance. More than a quarter
– 28 per cent – reported having been abused via their mobile
phones, sometimes with images as well as humiliating messages.
Fewer than half the children (48 per cent) told someone about
their experience. A total of 37 per cent reported that the
cyberbullying made them upset and angry, but 22 per cent said
they were ‘not bothered’. The Alliance indicated that girls were
markedly more likely than boys to experience ‘people talking
‘More than a quarter
of 10 to 15-year-olds
reported having been
abused via their
mobile phones,
sometimes with
images as well as
humiliating
messages.’
about you nastily online’ (43 per cent compared to 28 per cent)
and this is known to be something girls worry about more
generally in their same-sex friendships. Girls also reported that
they received more messages from strangers asking to meet
up and marginally more unwanted sexual suggestions, jokes or
threats.
Boys, on the other hand, were more likely to receive a message
‘with insults calling you gay’ (35 per cent compared to 24 per
cent of girls). There was a large increase at age 14-15 in most
types of abusive message. The peak ages for unwanted sexual
jokes and threats was 14-17, according to the Alliance.
The survey also found that cyberbullying was common among
primary pupils, with more than a third of 10 and 11-year-olds
saying they received a message ‘trying to make you do something
you did not want to do’. One in five had been sent a message
with unwanted sexual suggestions, jokes or threats and 31 per
cent had received homophobic insults. More than 20 per cent
said that they had received a message from a stranger suggesting
they meet up.
MORI in 2008 reported that just over a fifth of 11 to 16-yearolds admitted sending an intimidating voicemail or text, while
16 per cent said they had used a mobile phone to photograph
or video someone being assaulted – known as ‘happy slapping’.
In 2009, Ian Rivers and Nathalie Noret reported on a survey that
asked students to provide examples of offensive email and text
messages that they had received. These included the following:
• threat of physical violence: ‘I’m going to kick your head in.’
• abusive or hate-related: ‘I h8u’; ‘You f***ing clown-faced b*****d’.
• name calling (including homophobia): ‘Lesbian’;
‘u r gay’
• death threats: ‘Trust me you’re gonna die bitch’
• ending of platonic relationships: ‘You are a slag I’m 22
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
never gonna speak to you again.’
• sexual acts: ‘I want to f*** you.’
• demands: ‘Get me 10 packets of polos, chuddy.’
• threats to damage existing relationships: ‘I’m going to tell him that you said…’
• threats to home/family: ‘I will get you and your family too.’
• menacing chain messages: ‘Send this message to ten of your friends. If you don’t you will pay!’
• other: ‘I am going to infect your computer with a virus.’
To sum up ...
•
•
•
•
Cyberbullying appears to be increasing, with
nearly half of 10 to15-year-olds reporting
having been a target.
A third of 10 and 11-year-olds report receiving coercive messages.
Girls are more likely than boys to threaten via
voicemail or text.
A fifth of 11 to 16-year-olds say they have sent an intimidating voicemail or text, while 16 per cent have used a mobile phone to photograph
or video someone being assaulted.
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23
YOUNG PEOPLE’S VIEWS AND EXPERIENCES
ASSAULTS, THEFTS, WEAPON CARRYING
The safety of pupils and staff became a priority for schools in
the aftermath of highly unusual tragedies such as the Dunblane
massacre in 1996 where 16 children and one teacher died.
CCTV cameras, ID badges for visitors and locked entrances are
now routine precautions employed by schools. Reassuringly,
according to the MORI 2008 youth survey, the majority of pupils
say they feel safe inside school, particularly when with teachers
in the classroom. Other research in 2008 reported that more
than 80 per cent of secondary pupils felt fairly or very safe in
classrooms, compared to 71 per cent in other school areas.
That said, just over half of 11 to 16-year-olds (51 per cent)
had been the victim of an offence in 2008, according to the
MORI survey, a figure in line with previous years’ findings. The
proportion who had been physically attacked (18 per cent), had
their mobile phone stolen (10 per cent) or been racially abused
(7 per cent) had increased since the 2005 survey. While these
incidents might not have happened at school, it is nevertheless
the likeliest place for a child to be bullied, threatened, have their
‘The majority of
pupils say they feel
safe inside school,
particularly when
with teachers in the
classroom.’
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belongings stolen or broken, or to be racially abused or attacked.
Teachers told researchers from Edinburgh university in 2009
that pupil-on-pupil violence was fairly common, with a quarter of
primary and a fifth of secondary teachers reporting that they had
witnessed an incident during the previous week.
Encouragingly, however, the same study revealed that reports
of indiscipline had generally been falling since 2006. Also
encouraging was the MORI finding that children’s fears of
physical assault had dropped over a three-year period. In 2005,
for example, more than half were concerned about this, but by
2008 the proportion had fallen to 36 per cent. Younger children
were more worried than older, and girls more worried than boys.
As to who committed the offences, 83 per cent of 15 to 16-yearolds admitted to anti-social behaviour compared to 77 per cent
of 11 to 14-year-olds. And 62 per cent of 11 to 14-year-olds
admitted threatening behaviour or assaults compared to 52 per
cent of 15 to 16-year-olds. Other research has shown that violent
or threatening behaviour is most likely to occur in the toilets
and corridors – places where pupils report that they feel most
vulnerable.
Is there an increase in weapon use?
Weapon carrying is a topical issue and relevant to understanding
patterns of violence in schools. A weapon can refer to a variety
of objects including penknives, screwdrivers and golf clubs.
Carrying a knife is also a very different thing from using a knife
in a threatening and aggressive manner.
Generally, weapon carrying is associated with increased risk of
fighting and fight-related injury in young people. However, little
research exists on weapon carrying in schools, although broader
population-based surveys are useful to understanding this issue.
Some studies have found a strong relationship between illegal
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25
‘The percentage of
11 to 16-year-olds
saying they carried
a BB gun fell ... while
the proportion
carrying a flick knife
declined from 8 to 6
per cent.’
drugs use and young people reporting that they had, on some
occasion, carried a weapon.
In a 2006 Home Office study of young people and crime about 7
per cent of 16 and 17-year-olds reported carrying a knife (most
commonly a penknife) at some time in the previous year with
less than 1 per cent carrying a gun. Another survey of 11,400
11 to 15-year-olds in inner London schools (all in deprived areas
with high levels of crime) found that self defence was the most
common reason for carrying a weapon.
More recent research confirms that penknives are the most
common weapon among young people. In 2008, 17 per cent of
11 to 16-year-olds said they had carried one at some point in the
previous year, according to the MORI youth survey. This was a
significant decrease on the 24 per cent in 2005. The percentage
of 11 to 16-year-olds saying they carried a BB gun also fell – from
21 per cent in 2005 to 15 per cent in 2008 – while the proportion
carrying a flick knife declined from 8 to 6 per cent. However,
overall figures for weapon carrying tell a different story; in
2004, 51 per cent of young people said they had never carried a
weapon compared to 47 per cent in 2008.
26
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MORI also reported that of the 6 per cent of young people who
had been threatened with a knife or a gun, 9 per cent had been
threatened at school. Other research suggests that pupils’ weapon
carrying may have increased in recent years, although this could
be the result of teachers’ increased awareness of the issue.
Dr Sean Neill’s 2008 survey for Warwick university found that the
percentage of teachers who saw a pupil with an offensive weapon
on a weekly or monthly basis increased between 2001 and 2008
(2.6 per cent as a monthly event in 2001 compared to 3.3 per
cent in 2008). However, fewer teachers reported having witnessed
pupils’ weapon carrying in 2008, as compared with 2001. As
overall levels of disruptions in schools fell, the study suggested
that weapon carrying has become a challenging problem for a
small minority of schools.
To sum up ...
•
•
•
•
Most children say they feel safe in school,
particularly when in classrooms with teachers.
Just over half of 11 to 16-year-olds say they have been victims of an offence.
Between a quarter and a fifth of teachers say they witness pupil on pupil violence every week.
The incidence of weapon carrying is low, but
increases have recently been reported.
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
27
CHILDREN EXCLUDED FROM SCHOOL
As with bullying, it is important to avoid stereotyping young
people excluded from school. Not all of those who are
permanently excluded go on to commit crimes or to misuse
alcohol or drugs. Some studies show that a third report never
breaking the law. Nevertheless, research does indicate that
particular circumstances, experiences and background are
likely to put some young people at more risk of exclusion
than others.
Who is at risk of exclusion?
Boys are about three times more likely than girls to be excluded
for a fixed period, and almost four times more likely to be
permanently excluded, according to government figures. In 20067, 8,680 children were permanently excluded from school in
England. Of these 6,850 were boys and 1,790 girls. Nearly 1,000
were primary pupils. Data from Scotland reveals a similar pattern
with boys three times more likely to be excluded from secondary
school than girls. Boys are also more likely to be excluded from
primary school than girls.
Children growing up in deprived areas, those with additional
support needs, those from minority ethnic or religious
backgrounds or Gypsy/Traveller families are all much more
likely to be excluded than other pupils. The figures are startling:
more than a third of ASN pupils and 44 per cent of looked-after
children have been excluded at some point, compared to 5.2 per
cent of the rest of the school population.
Black Caribbean pupils are three times more likely to be excluded
than their white peers and pupils from ‘other black’ backgrounds
are 2.6 times more likely to be excluded than white pupils. The
continued over-representation of many groups of minority ethnic
pupils is a key concern, despite efforts to reduce it. Figures
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INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
from Scotland reveal a similar pattern with regard to deprivation.
In 2007-8, according to the Scottish Executive, 11.7 per cent of
excluded pupils came from very disadvantaged areas compared
with only 1.5 per cent from wealthier areas.
Nearly 90 per cent of exclusions are from secondary schools.
Children are at their most challenging in the early teenage
years so it is not surprising that in England in 2007 more than
half of these exclusions (54 per cent) were of 13 to 14-year-olds.
In Scotland the pattern is similar, while in Wales, the peak is
slightly younger at 11 to 12 years. Crucially, this is consistent
with wider research evidence which identifies early adolescence
as a critical time for experimenting with challenging behaviour,
including the use of illegal substances and alcohol, as well as
offending. Early adolescence also coincides with the important
transition from primary to secondary school, a move known to
put vulnerable children at particular risk.
Exclusions by school year and gender, Scotland 2007-8
(P1-P7 – primary years; S1-S6 – secondary years)
Source: Scottish Executive
Are rates of exclusion going up or down?
As already suggested, exclusion rates reflect the impact of
government policy more than they do the levels of disruption in
UK schools. Permanent exclusions are decreasing in both the
primary and secondary sectors in England. In Scotland, the
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
29
Exclusion rates by country, 2006-7
!
Wales
Scotland
England
Northern Ireland**
Permanent
exclusion rate*
0.7
0.4
1.1
0.1
Fixed-term
exclusion rate*
48.2
64.5
52.2
15.1
* !Rate per 1,000 pupils **Permanent exclusions data for NI represents pupils
excluded rather than number of exclusions. Source: Welsh Assembly, 2009
number of permanently excluded pupils who are ‘removed from
the register’ had declined from 332 in 2001-2 to 164 by 2007-8.
Overall, permanent exclusion rates in the UK are comparatively
low (see table above). England has the highest rates of permanent
exclusions, followed by Wales, while Scotland has the highest
rate of fixed-term exclusions. By contrast, Northern Ireland
stands out as having much lower rates of both fixed-term and
permanent exclusions. This has been explained as being the
beneficial result of the smaller schools which predominate there.
To sum up ...
•
•
•
School exclusions peak in early adolescence, a known period of risk taking for children.
Boys are much more likely to be excluded
than girls.
Concern has recently focused on the
disproportionate numbers of excluded black
Caribbean boys, children with additional
support needs and looked-after children.
30
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
TEACHERS’ VIEWS AND EXPERIENCES
Behaviour: is it really getting worse?
Research reveals that many teachers think children’s
behaviour has deteriorated. Some also say that they are seeing
aggressive behaviour in much younger children. Does this
perception equate with more pupil violence and aggression in
schools? In other words, are they right?
Contrary to reports in the popular press, research shows that
serious violent incidents are rare in UK schools. Furthermore,
no child was violent or aggressive towards 99 per cent of
teachers in the week in which a recent large-scale study in
Scotland was undertaken. Another recent report – Sir Alan
Steer’s 2009 ‘Learning Behaviour: Lessons Learned’ – concluded
unambiguously: ‘While there is a legitimate concern in society
about standards of behaviour of young people (as in earlier
generations), there is strong evidence from a range of sources
that the overall standards of behaviour achieved by schools is
good and has improved in recent years.’ The most challenging
problem teachers face, as is now well-known, is low-level
disruption in lessons. While answering back and shouting out
‘There is strong
evidence from a range
of sources that
overall standards of
behaviour achieved
by schools is good and
has improved in
recent years.’
Sir Alan Steer
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
31
in class may be viewed as mildly offensive in other contexts,
the effect on the flow and progress of lessons cannot be
underestimated. In Sean Neill’s 2008 survey, such interruptions
were found to be commonplace. More than 68 per cent of
teachers said at least one lesson was disrupted every week and
most teachers were forced to spend a considerable amount of
time addressing this issue (see below).
Teachers’ estimates of teaching time lost as a result of
classroom disruption
Source: Youth Justice Board, 2004
Being sworn at and verbally abused appears to be a fact of
life for many teachers. In 2008, about 60 per cent of teachers
reported that it happened every week, unchanged from 2001.
The Teacher Support Network found even higher rates, with 84
per cent of teachers who responded to their online survey in
2008 saying that they had been verbally abused.
Cyberbullying
Research on the cyberbullying of school staff is sparse with
32
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
information coming mainly from specialist agencies such
as teacher helplines – something to be borne in mind when
considering their findings.
A total of 15 per cent of school staff say they have been cyberbullied, with 20 per cent saying they know someone who has
been a victim. These findings were reported in a 2009 survey
of 539 UK staff by the Teacher Support Network and the
Association of Teachers and Lecturers. Two-thirds of the victims
received unwelcome emails, 28 per cent were sent offensive texts
and 25 per cent had offensive messages about them posted on
social networking sites. The distribution of unwelcome images
was found to be very rare.
Although a fairly significant proportion of teachers – 44 per
cent of those who responded to an online survey – said they had
been cyberbullied by pupils, 28 per cent blamed a manager or
colleague. Cyberbullying was reported to undermine their self
confidence, as well as their perceptions of their effectiveness as
teachers – with 6 per cent of victims forced to take sick leave as a
result of the bullying.
Parent ‘rage’
Given media reports on the topic, one could be forgiven
for thinking that the only problem facing teachers is pupil
behaviour. However, concern has been growing about the threat
posed by angry parents. Some trade union surveys indicate that
violent parents are an increasing problem for schools. An on-line
survey conducted by the Association of Teachers and Lecturers
in 2009 found that almost 40 per cent of teachers said they had
been confronted by a parent or child’s guardian. Sean Neill’s
repeat surveys (2001, 2008) found that more teachers had to
deal with aggressive parents in 2008 than in 2001 in particular
schools. The 2008 survey found that parental intimidation had
increased in schools that had reported similar incidents in 2001.
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
33
To sum up ...
•
•
•
Teachers report that low-level disruption is
their most challenging problem in the
classroom.
Teachers are victims of cyberbullying, most
commonly in the form of offensive emails from both pupils and colleagues.
Almost 40 per cent of teachers report having
to deal with aggressive parents.
34
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
THE CAUSES OF SCHOOL VIOLENCE
Children become more prone to violence as a result of the
complicated interaction of their experiences at home, in their
locality and at school. And there are characteristics associated
with schools which can make conflict more of an issue in one
school than another.
What leads to extreme violence?
Events involving fatal and extreme violence by young children
are extremely rare, as we have said, but such cases do provide
crucial insights into what may drive them down that path. The
highly disturbing and widely publicised murder of Jamie Bulger
in 1993, and more recently the acts of the two brothers who
violently assaulted two other children in a mining village in
South Yorkshire highlight contributory factors:
• living with family violence;
• living in a family where anti-social behaviour is condoned;
• being excluded from primary school for aggressive, impulsive and violent behaviour;
• belonging to a family known to have difficulty in coping.
Clearly, home life is a crucial influence yet it is important not to
fall into the trap of blaming ‘dysfunctional’ families.
A number of studies of parenting styles support the view that
violence begets violence. Humiliating and harsh discipline from
a very early age can make children – especially boys – prone to
later anti-social behaviour, including violence. Other surveys have
found that offending and other problem behaviours are strongly
linked with a lack of parental supervision. Associating with
aggressive, disruptive children can also play a part, reflecting the
importance of peer groups.
Many young people who grow up to become involved in crime
or violence display anti-social characteristics in their early years
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
35
‘The extent to which
school structures
and processes
contribute to
indiscipline and
nurture violence is
seldom considered.’
in primary school. Such characteristics include bullying, truancy and
aggressive and disruptive behaviour. Low achievement and exclusion
are also associated with later offending and anti-social behaviour.
School-based risk factors for crime and anti-social behaviour have
been found to be connected with:
• low achievement;
• poor relationships and interaction with peers and teachers;
• a child’s lack of commitment or investment in schooling.
However, the relationship between any of these factors and later antisocial behaviour remains unclear. Are pupils disaffected because they
are not achieving? Or does low achievement result in frustration and
low self-esteem which fosters aggression?
What is the influence of school?
Small-scale studies show that teachers tend to explain indiscipline in
terms of poor parenting, viewing disruptive behaviour as something
brought into their classroom from the outside. However, the extent
to which school structures and processes contribute to indiscipline
and nurture violence is seldom considered. Young people can feel
alienated by the organisation of schools, especially large secondaries,
losing any sense of belonging or connection. Vulnerable pupils already
36
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
experiencing difficulties are particularly at risk of this.
Schools vary hugely in the extent to which they stress
punishment of – rather than engagement with – pupils. Yet
taking children’s views into account, as well as encouraging
their participation in school life, is known to create a more
positive atmosphere. We also know that the ethos of a school
is important in creating an atmosphere where challenging
behaviour is likely to be dealt with fairly and effectively.
Whole-school approaches, whereby discipline policies are
integrated with other initiatives, are known to raise standards
of behaviour. A comparative study led by Dr Roger Hewitt in
2002 looked at the rates of violence in six schools in London.
Hewitt and his colleagues examined management practices
which lessened or aggravated school violence. They found
that the schools which deal most successfully with violent
incidents were those with: a range of policies and strategies
to call on; good relationships between staff and pupils; good
communications; and positive relations with the community.
To sum up ...
•
•
•
•
What predisposes a child to violence is complex, but family life and peer group are key
influences.
Permanent exclusion is associated with
negative outcomes.
A school’s institutional environment can
encourage – or subdue – pupils’ violent
tendencies.
Schools that stress listening to children tend to deal with violence more successfully.
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
37
HOW TO PREVENT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
What happens in practice?
As we noted in the previous section, schools typically use a
combination of approaches both to tackle aggression and to
promote positive behaviour. Integrating these approaches into
whole-school policies is the most successful way to address
children’s problematic behaviour with studies showing that oneoff or stand-alone interventions are not very effective.
What works?
Existing UK knowledge about what prevents school violence is at
an early stage of development. There are numerous promising
initiatives, but few have been evaluated rigorously, lacking solid
baseline data against which to judge their success over the
longer term. Such initiatives include using ‘restorative justice’ to
deal with conflict, peer-mentoring schemes and the deployment
of police officers in schools. Even well-established schemes have
not been systematically evaluated beyond their immediate ‘feelgood’ impact.
What makes an effective school-based
intervention?
Many school-based interventions have focused on improving
children’s health. As a result of various health promotions,
we now know much more about what makes a school-based
intervention successful. It has to:
• be part of clear and consistently enforced school-wide policies;
• have a strong theoretical basis (for example, early intervention, restorative approaches);
• include adequate training for teachers/peers/professionals
and encourage their participation in programme design and implementation;
• be well planned and organised;
• build on up-to-date knowledge;
38
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
• use culturally and developmentally appropriate materials;
• be evaluated over both the short and long term.
Significantly, some of the more extensive evaluations of schoolbased attempts to tackle challenging and aggressive behaviour
are based mainly on the experience of boys. This is a serious
omission, given that the few studies of girls who have been
excluded from school show they are much more likely to stop
participating in lessons, to truant and/or to self-harm than they
are to become violent. As a result, girls are more likely to selfexclude and be overlooked by school support systems. This
highlights the need for gender-sensitive policies and programmes.
How can we help children integrate into schools?
We know a great deal about what helps children do well and
enjoy school. For example, we know that particular social skills
help them develop good relationships with their peers. Strategies
for sharing, listening and taking turns are central to making
friends both inside and outside of school. From the early years,
these skills are recognised as fundamental to a child’s well-being
and included in the curriculum (through citizenship lessons
and personal and social education), as well as being central to
policies such as Every Child Matters and Scotland’s Curriculum
for Excellence.
Positive relationships with family, teachers and members of the
community also help children cope with school. Giving authentic
praise as well as recognising achievement is an important
function of supportive adults. Constructive relationships of this
kind are also known to help protect pupils from disadvantaged
homes. Supportive adults can help instill negative attitudes
towards activities such as truancy and substance misuse.
Is prevention better than cure?
Given what is known about the factors that predispose children
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
39
towards anti-social and violent behaviour, preventative work
in this field has generated a great deal of interest. Both the
Sure Start early-years programme and the On Track initiative
to support vulnerable four to 13-year-olds are examples of
such work. Sure Start has been at the forefront of the last
government’s commitment to tackle child poverty since 1997. It
provides childcare, early education, health and family support
services for families with children under five. This ambitious
scheme has not been without either critics or problems such as
how to ensure that professionals from health, education and
social services work together effectively. Nevertheless, studies
have shown that many parents living in difficult circumstances
say Sure Start has helped them achieve better family
relationships and communication.
The potential of peer support
The potential of peer support in school-based interventions
needs to be thoroughly investigated. Harnessing peer support
links with wider educational initiatives such as citizenship
education and attempts to promote positive behaviour in
schools. It is also an important example of pupils engaging in
active citizenship in their day-to-day lives in schools. Studies
show that when young people play an active role in decision
making in their school, their self-esteem rises and there are
knock-on benefits for a school’s ethos and atmosphere.
Surveys show that young people make an explicit link
between the quality of their peer relationships and feeling
both safe in and connected to school. Systematic reviews of
mental health also confirm that young people see good peer
relations as key to their well-being. As a result, the central
importance of friendships and peer group relations to children
should not be underestimated. There is strong research evidence
from a number of areas that highlights the value of using peer
educators and mentors in schools. Some evaluations have shown
40
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
that young people view their peers as more trustworthy than their
teachers. Clearly this is important, especially when dealing with
sensitive issues such as peer conflict and harassment.
What strategies for peer support are popular?
Currently, about 50 per cent of UK primary and secondary
schools have some form of peer support in place. These include
buddying, mentoring, active listening and conflict resolution
schemes. Proof of their effectiveness, however, remains weak.
Evaluations show that, while the schemes are positively rated by
their users, there is little evidence of any improvement in, for
example, school attendance and levels of truancy. A few studies
have shown that the success of peer mediation depends on the
commitment of the headteacher and the extent to which a school
regards it as a priority.
Restorative justice in schools
In recent years restorative justice approaches to bullying and
conflict have been enthusiastically adopted by a growing number
of British schools. In a serious case – such as an attack on a pupil
– the perpetrator and victim agree to meet. The victim then tells
their assailant about the harm and the hurt they have caused.
The restorative approach is designed to ensure that those
‘About 50 per cent of
UK schools have
some form of peer
support ... these
include buddying,
mentoring, active
listening and conflict
resolution schemes.’
41
involved in a conflict ‘own the solution’. It aims to:
• hold young people to account for their actions;
• give victims a real voice in finding outcomes which help;
• give young people the chance to put right any harm they
have caused;
• build partnerships with families and other agencies.
To date, there has been little research to show that these
perpetrator-victim meetings, known as restorative justice
conferences, are effective. One study that did was the 2002
Nottingham Restorative Conferencing Project. This evaluated
105 such meetings in eight schools where the conflict had been
resolved, there was no further trouble between the pupils, and
attendance, where it was a problem, improved.
However, another evaluation in 2002 of a pilot project in
Lambeth, south London, found the lack of a clearly identifiable
victim was often a real problem. Disputes that came to
conferences frequently revealed that each child had been in
the wrong at some stage in the conflict. This supports the view
that the ‘victim’ and ‘perpetrator’ labels can be unhelpful when
attempting to resolve conflict between young people. However,
the indications are that conferencing shows promising signs of
resolving serious conflicts in schools and ‘repairing harm’.
Police officers in schools
Police officers have been employed in supportive and
preventative school roles since the 1990s, including monitoring
behaviour and working with pupils at risk. Prompted by the
Every Child Matters agenda, Safer Schools Partnerships were
launched in 2002 and by 2009 5,000 schools in England had
signed up to the scheme. According to the Youth Justice Board,
these partnerships, which involve police officers being based in a
school or working with a group of schools, promote safe learning
environments through:
42
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
• reducing victimisation, criminality and anti-social behaviour
within schools and their communities;
• working on whole-school approaches to behaviour and
discipline;
• identifying and working with children and young people at
risk of becoming victims or offenders;
• ensuring the full-time education of young offenders (shown
to be important in keeping young people away from crime);
• supporting vulnerable children and young people through
periods of transition, such as the move from primary to
secondary school.
Key findings from an evaluation in 2005 highlighted the
difficulties of assessing the success of these partnerships as
a result of inadequate baseline information on offending and
victimisation. Nevertheless, there were some indications that
truancy had declined in partnership schools.
To sum up ...
•
Most schools use a variety of approaches to
promote positive behaviour and to prevent
violence. However, there have been few
long-term evaluations of effectiveness.
Policies which affect children need to highlight the importance of developing social skills for maintaining positive relationships inside and outside school.
Restorative approaches and the deployment of
police officers in schools are fairly recent
initiatives that are also showing signs of
success.
•
•
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
43
POLICY AND PRACTICE
What can be done?
While extreme violence across schools in the UK is very rare,
research shows that verbal aggression between pupils and
towards staff is an ongoing problem. This reaffirms the need to
embed the topic of positive social relations and communication
skills more extensively across the curriculum as well as across
policies and initiatives which directly affect children.
Pupil participation and democracy in UK schools
The UK governments agree that children should be consulted
and their views incorporated into the policy process. Yet
this does not always happen – despite the fact that extensive
evaluations of school-based interventions carried out in other
national contexts stress that they must have relevance and
meaning to children and young people in order to be effective.
A strategic approach to consultation with children and young
people at policy level is important if violence – and many of
the other challenges confronting schools – is to be successfully
tackled.
We need more reliable baseline data
As suggested, we need a solid evidence base on what works
when dealing with violence and challenging behaviour in
schools. Some promising initiatives are still in the early stages
of development and we need a long-term perspective if they are
to be evaluated properly.
Knowledge about young people should
inform policy
There appears to be a need to tap into knowledge of children
from sources other than education in order to inform policy
development. For example, what is known about young people
and risk from disciplines such as criminology and sociology
44
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
‘What is known
about young people
and risk from
disciplines such as
criminology and
sociology could
enhance the
development of antiviolence strategies.’
could enhance the development of anti-violence strategies
in schools. Similarly, knowledge from the fields of health,
psychology and health promotion regarding what makes an
effective school-based intervention could also help introduce
anti-violence initiatives successfully.
What can government do?
The introduction of classroom assistants has been broadly
welcomed in England and Scotland in helping to create more
positive classrooms by ensuring that pupils with additional
support needs have individual help with learning. Together with
other workforce reforms such as the deployment of behaviour
support specialists and the introduction of some new
approaches to behaviour management mentioned above,
government has been doing some very constructive things.
Government could improve the quality and collation of statistical
information on school violence across the four countries of the
UK. Doing so would enable schools, researchers and policymakers to make meaningful comparisons, to provide essential
baseline data on which to assess interventions and evaluate
policy. This review has identified how the four UK governments,
acting collectively, could achieve this. For instance, the variety
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
45
of terms they use makes comparisons across England, Scotland,
Wales and Northern Ireland virtually impossible. A priority
should be to standardise the key terms and definitions used
when collecting exclusion data from schools. It also makes
sense that data on school violence is collected and collated
on a UK-wide basis.
Broaden training and professional development
Both trainee and experienced teachers need up-to-date
information on young people and their behaviour, not solely from
education, but also from the wider social sciences. They need
to be aware that harassment in schools can take many forms
with racism and homophobic bullying being just two worrying
examples. We now understand more about what has been called
‘identity-based’ and ‘prejudice-based’ bullying. As a result,
teachers need to know which pupils are more likely to be picked
on in schools, including looked-after children, those from Gypsy/
Traveller families and those with additional support needs.
Interdisciplinary working
Being an excellent teacher does not necessary mean being equipped
to address the emotional needs of children living in challenging
circumstances outside school. Other people – social workers,
mental health professionals and the police – have expertise in
dealing with young people in trouble. Clearly schools need, despite
the challenges of multi-agency working, to draw on these skills.
To sum up ...
•
•
More robust baseline information is required to
assess fully ‘what works’ for schools.
Children’s need to acquire social skills to build
positive relationships must be further
46
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
integrated across relevant policies which affect schools.
Teachers need up-to-date, research-informed knowledge of young people, including
information about patterns of victimisation in schools.
Policies about behaviour and violence must
draw on knowledge from areas other than education including the social sciences and health.
•
•
-
INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
47
Glossary of key terms
Anti-social behaviour: examples of anti-social behaviour include
vandalism and criminal damage, graffiti, joyriding, as well as
substance and drugs misuse.
Additional support needs (ASN): the term ‘additional support
needs’ is significantly broader than its predecessor, ‘special
educational needs’. A child or young person is said to have
additional support needs where, for whatever reason, they need
additional support with their education. This applies whether the
need is temporary or ongoing.
Cyberbullying: forms of bullying using electronic devices such
as mobile phones and email.
Exclusion: ‘official’ exclusions from schools where pupils are not
allowed to attend either temporarily/for a fixed period or else
permanently, where pupils are removed from the school register
and new arrangements for their education are made.
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INSIGHT VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS
Insight 1
UK schools, according to the tabloid press, are violent
places ruled by bullies and yobs. Children and staff are
routinely threatened, even assaulted – and the problem
is getting worse. But is this image justified? And on
what evidence is it based?
This Insight, published by the British Educational
Research Association, provides a clear and authoritative
overview of the true extent of violence in UK schools.
Written by experts and grounded in research, it is the
first in a series of accurate and accessible guides to key
issues in education today.
The British Educational Research Association has been
working for more than 30 years to sustain and promote
a vital research culture in education. Insight guides are
available as free downloads from www.bera.ac.uk.
bera
£10
!
British Educational Research Association
ISBN 978-0-946671-30-4