1. religion and spirituality
2. hinduism

January, 1959
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL
W h a t Is Caste?
( I V ) Caste-Society and Vedantic Thought
Iravati Karve
This is the fourth and last in a series of articles, the first of which, '"Caste as Extended Kin* appeared
in the last Annual Number; the second, "Caste and Occupation", in the issue of March 22, 1958; and the thirds
"Caste as a Status Group", in the Special Number of July 1958.
/// this article the author measures the social isolation of castes from one another against, their economic interdependence and discusses the relation between cultural differences andf social isolation.
finally, the social hierarchy is analysed with reference to the religious and philosophical ideas of
Hinduism, in particular to ideas which concern inequality.
C A S T E - S O C I E T Y is made up in
A
such a w a y t h a t a v e r y large
proportion of the a c t i v i t y
of the
i n d i v i d u a l s is confined to t h e i r o w n
group.
This is especially true of
the social and c u l t u r a l aspects of
t h e i r lives.
I n the economic sphere the i n dividuals and the g r o u p as a whole
come in contact w i t h other groups.
B u y i n g and selling,
serving
in
particular
capacities
and
being
paid or served in r e t u r n , are the
ways in w h i c h castes come in contact, w i t h other groups. I n c u l t u r a l
and social behaviour
castes
are
never completely self-sufficient
or
isolated.
N o r is economic dependence complete in a l l cases.
The
economic activities
w h i c h involve
i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h other groups arc
of t w o types.
One type involves
rendering of certain traditional
services at t r a d i t i o n a l a n d generally inadequate
compensation
and
the other type can be described as
economic
interdependence
where
m u t u a l services a n d compensations
are more
on terms of
equality.
W h e t h e r the economic a c t i v i t y is
on equitable terms or whether it is
a t r a d i t i o n a l f o r m of exploitation,
i t b r i n g s i n d i v i d u a l s f r o m one
caste i n contact
w i t h individuals
f r o m other castes. T h i s q u a l i t y of
being c o m p a r a t i v e l y self-contained
in social and c u l t u r a l activities a n d
at the same t i m e being l i n k e d w i t h
other groups in economic activities
is a f u n d a m e n t a l characteristic of
groups called castes.
An Interaction Survey
A few
examples
w i l l elucidate
this.
A survey
was made
two
years ago to f i n d
out the nature
a n d degree of i n t e r c o m m u n a l
activity in
r u r a l areas*.
For this
w o r k three
villages were chosen
a n d the head of each f a m i l y was
asked c e r t a i n questions. T h e habi-
t a t i o n , area, and house sites were
mapped.
The
questions
asked
were:
W h o had m a r r i e d
whom?
W h o had given presents to w h o m ?
W h o m did you i n v i t e for a meal?
F o r a less i n f o r m a l p a r t y ? F o r a
cup of tea?
Where were y o u i n v i t e d f o r such h o s p i t a l i t y ? W h o m
did one v i s i t f o r a few days? A
d a y and n i g h t ? Or for a few
h o u r s 0 W h o were own friends? W h o
were children's friends? I f casual
help was given w h a t was its nature
a n d t o w h o m was i t given? W h o
was t e n a n t to w h o m ?
W h o employed
whom?
Who
borrowed
money f r o m w h o m ?
In addition
there were questions about a t t i tudes to i n t e r g r o u p intercourse.
The picture t h a t emerged when
a l l the d a t a were tabulated
was
t h a t the h a b i t a t i o n area in each
village was divided i n t o areas cont a i n i n g houses of one caste. W i t h in each
such
area contiguous
houses
belonging
to one p a t r i lineage could be discovered as
clusters. Besides the caste clusters the whole area was generally
divided into
two main habitation
areas, one belonging to the higher
castes,
the touchables and
the
other belonging to
the lowest
castes, the untouchables.
Different
castes a m o n g touchables and u n touchables
within
these
larger
areas lived a l i t t l e separated f r o m
the others.
The village h a b i t a t i o n
area was thus d i v i d e d r o u g h l y i n t o
as m a n y units as there were castes
i n the village.
( A few exceptions
were those w h o d i d not o w n
a
house b u t Jived in rented quarters.)
I n the three villages
surveyed
not a single m a r r i a g e h a d occurred
T h i s survey was u n d e r t a k e n at
the
Deccan College, Poona
on
behalf of the P l a n n i n g Commission. The r e p o r t is not yet
ready.
149
outside
the caste.
The attitudes
showed t h a t o n l y one or t w o people a m o n g the higher castes
expressed the opinion
t h a t they d i d
not m i n d
m i x e d marriages.
As
many
as 25-50 per cent
of the
M a h a r s (one
untouchable caste)
expressed willingness to give t h e i r
daughters to touchables or receive
brides f r o m touchables but were
not w i l l i n g to exchange brides w i t h
the Mangs.
another untouchable
caste
In my definition of caste as
an extended k i n s h i p group t h i s fact
of endogamy
has been
brought
out.
As regards i n v i t i n g people to a
meal, g o i n g to others for meals and
v i s i t i n g for a few days, the a c t i v i ties were
confined in n e a r l y
90
per cent of cases
to the k i n s h i p
group. The r e m a i n i n g 10 per cent
was w i t h i n the caste group.
The
same was the case w i t h friendships.
Dr M c k i m M a r r i o t in a
personal
communication
told the
author
t h a t in his observation in
north
Indian
villages also,
friendships
outside the caste-group
were not
o n l y rare but were generally
accompanied
by m u c h
shame and
feelings of g u i l t . G i f t - g i v i n g , where
the p a t t e r n
is not disturbed
by
m o d e r n business relations, is conf i n e d almost
purely t o
the k i n .
group.
G i v i n g a n d receiving o f help i n clude activities r a n g i n g f r o m g i v i n g food-grains to a m a n in need,
to g i v i n g shelter in own house to
somebody whose house h a d been
b u r n t d o w n , o r n u r s i n g i n illness.
I t was f o u n d t h a t o u t r i g h t g i v i n g
of foodgrains or c l o t h i n g to people of a caste other t h a n one's o w n
was not u n c o m m o n but not a single case
of sheltering in one's
o w n house or n u r s i n g an i l l person
of a caste other
t h a n one's o w n
was recorded.
A few people w h o
had occasion to receive such help
100
January, 1959
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL
a l w a y s aid so f r o m the kin or, on
a few r a r e occasions, f r o m people
of t h e i r caste.
As regards the other activities
people were tenants to people
of
o t h e r castes, t h e y b o r r o w e d money
f r o m a n y caste, a n d accepted emp l o y m e n t f r o m anybody.
Links across Caste
Thus p u r e l y social activities were
confined w i t h i n
the caste
while
economic activities cut across
the
caste-frontiers.
On c e r t a i n
occasions in a v i l l a g e meals are served
to people of a l l castes.
T h i s does
not f o r m an exception to the above
rule because
the meals are
not
g i v e n on terms of equality.
Such
meals are g i v e n o n l y by the richer
and more i n f l u e n t i a l people of the
'higher' castes. The near k i n , the
i m p o r t a n t people f r o m
one's own
caste a n d other people
of higher
castes sit f o r meals together. Such
people as the barber, the carpenter,
etc, m a y come i n t o the house a n d
m a y be served meals in an open
shed w h i c h is p a r t
of the house,
w h i l e people b e l o n g i n g to the u n touchable castes m a y line the r o a d
outside a n d get t h e i r share of food
after everybody else has eaten.
In
this context a m e a l does not e n t a i l
social give and t a k e on terms of
equality.
The social self-containedness
of
the caste is b r o k e n on certain occasions w h e n a l l castes in a village
appear to combine
for achieving
c e r t a i n c o m m o n ends l i k e celebrati n g c e r t a i n festivals, sometimes for
c o m m o n defence
against dacoits,
a n d sometimes
to make common
representation to
the Government.
I have used the w o r d 'sometimes'
deliberately, because the usual picture even of a dacoity is t h a t the
poorer
people either
shut t h e m selves up in t h e i r houses or r u n
a w a y f r o m the
v i l l a g e a n d leave
the r i c h e r people to face the robbers.
The poor a n d the r i c h are
not
o n l y economic classes
but
often caste
groups too.
Among
M a r a t h a a n d B r a h m i n there m a y
be r i c h e r a n d poorer people, but a l l
of t h e m are better' off t h a n t h e
M a h a r , the M a n g a n d the R a m o s h i I n the same w a y the f e w f a milies belonging to the V a n ! caste
are in possession of more cash a n d
o r n a m e n t s t h a n other castes.
The social isolation
is b r o k e n
m o r e often i n the m o d e r n u r b a n
setting. Boys of different castes
study in the same class a n d f r i e n d -
ships are
formed.
These f r i e n d ships m a y r e m a i n outside o f
the
f a m i l y circle a n d m a y lead t o t e n sions
and
frustrations.
Among
people w o r k i n g in the same place
s i m i l a r situations arise. A s l o n g
as these friendships are kept a w a y
f r o m the f a m i l y
and the
home
there is no open conflict b u t the
m i n u t e they impinge on t h a t sphere
tensions arise.
T h i s is especially
the case a m o n g
people belonging
to castes w h i c h are
educationally
a n d economically b a c k w a r d .
If a
m a n of such a caste tries to have
friendship w i t h
men o f
higher
castes he is looked d o w n upon as
a climber by the advanced set, a n d
earns h a t r e d a n d
jealousy
from
his o w n caste, w h o dub h i m a deserter.
Cultural Traits
The characteristic of being socially
self-contained a n d its consequences
are easy
to demonstrate.
It is
n o t however so obvious
t h a t cultural
differences
occur
among
groups who
h o l d themselves
socially apart
because c e r t a i n
important
c u l t u r a l t r a i t s are shared
by people of different castes l i v i n g
over a v e r y wide area.
One caste
differentiates
itself
f r o m the other sharply in respect
of the circle of social intercourse
especially as it is endogamous, but
each caste does not differ f r o m a n other c u l t u r a l l y as sharply or
as
definitely.
Cultural
similarities
range over a v e r y wide area and
include a large number of castes
in more t h a n one linguistic region.
I n this respect the r e l a t i o n o f cult u r e a n d caste is s i m i l a r to
that
between race
a n d caste.
As an
endogamous group
a caste
may
have c e r t a i n physical t r a i t s w h i c h ,
t a k e n together, are peculiar to
it
b u t the physical t r a i t s t a k e n
ind i v i d u a l l y or even group-wise
are
shared w i t h other castes over
a
v e r y wide area.
Some t r a i t s l i k e
R h blood factors, M N factors o r
AB factors m a y be shared by
a
p a r t i c u l a r caste not o n l y w i t h other
castes i n I n d i a but
w i t h people
b e l o n g i n g to a v e r y wide area of
the e a r t h .
As
regards
family
structure,
p a t r i l i n e i t y a n d p a t r i l o c a l i t y are
features c o m m o n not o n l y to
the
w h o l e o f the n o r t h e r n I n d i a n plains
b u t are shared by these people w i t h
a m a j o r i t y of
people in c e n t r a l
Asia and
eastern Europe. I n the
same w a y cross-cousin m a r r i a g e is
151
practised not o n l y i n c e n t r a l a n d
south I n d i a but also b y m a n y communities in t h e whole of the southeast A s i a w i t h its continental and
island w o r l d .
There are other c u l t u r a l peculiarities w h i c h are shared by castes
over one or more linguistic regions.
In parts of the Punjab a n d U P
there is a taboo against m a r r i a g e
w i t h i n a village. In the south people prefer such marriages. In the
whole of the n o r t h
w h e n people
cut vegetables a n d other things in
a kitchen w i t h a knife, the t h i n g
to be cut remains on a b o a r d w h i l e
the h a n d w i t h the c u t t i n g implem e n t moves u p a n d d o w n .
I n the
south the c u t t i n g implement is
a
blade (curved
or s t r a i g h t ) w h i c h
is fixed in a wooden b o a r d on w h i c h
the cutter sits. The t h i n g to be cut
is held in the h a n d a n d m o v e d up
a n d d o w n w h i l e the i m p l e m e n t remains stationary.
As regards use of different types
of utensils it was f o u n d in one p a r t
of Maharashtra* that Brahmins do
n o t use earthen ware f o r c o o k i n g
w h i l e other castes d i d .
Here
we
have a c u l t u r a l t r a i t
w h i c h distinguishes one caste f r o m another
in a s m a l l area.
Social Isolation and
Cultural Traits
Social isolation need not
necess a r i l y accompany c u l t u r a l differences. A m o n g m a n y p r i m i t i v e societies, tribes are socially as separate
as castes- a n d s t i l l
share c o m m o n
culture.
B u t caste
makes t w o
t h i n g s possible:
(1) I f t w o castes
have separate
cultures t h e y
can
retain
them
indefinitely
and
(2) s t a r t i n g f r o m the same c u l t u r a l
roots
if
differentiations
occur
t h r o u g h innovations
or new
acquisitions they are allowed to rem a i n a n d f l o u r i s h . There were
however l i m i t a t i o n s t o i n n o v a t i o n s
a n d new acquisitions l a i d d o w n b y
caste
hierarchy.
In
pre-British
days, f o r example, people of some
castes were n o t allowed
to w e a r
gold-ornaments.
At
present
a
M a h a r w i l l not be allowed to build
a house w i t h i n
the area of
the
* A report was prepared in course
of an evaluation of a c o m m u n i t y
project
after i n v e s t i g a t i n g 25
villages
near
Kolhapur,
The
report is not
yet published.
It
was prepared by a committee of
investigation appointed
by
the
Poona U n i v e r s i t y .
January , 1959
T H E ECONOMIC W E E K L Y
152
ANNUAL
January, 1959
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL
v i l l a g e where the
have t h e i r houses.
higher
castes
A few
examples of c u l t u r a l
differences between castes
living
w i t h i n a region
are as
follows.
W i t h i n the B r a h m i n caste-cluster
there are a number of endogamous
castes. A m o n g these the M a d h y a n d i n B r a h m i n s do not a l l o w crosscousin m a r r i a g e ,
neither do they
a l l o w the m a r r i a g e of a m a n to a
bride h a v i n g the same g o t r a as his
mother.
B o t h these m a r r i a g e regulations are found in the n o r t h e r n
plains of I n d i a . The C h i t p a v a n
B r a h m i n s do not as a rule a l l o w
cross-cousin m a r r i a g e or the marriage of
a m a n to
his sister's
daughter.
The K a r h a d a B r a h m i n s
( w h o live in the same area as
the Chitpavans) a n d the Deshastha
Rigvedi
B r a h m i n s a l l o w crosscousin m a r r i a g e a n d also the marriage of
a m a n to
his sister's
daughter.
Throughout
western
M a h a r a s h t r a there
is no taboo
against m a r r i a g e
of people l i v i n g
in the same village. There is however
one K u m b h a r caste w h i c h
allows cross-cousin
marriage
but
does not permit m a r r i a g e between
people l i v i n g in the same village.
A m o n g some B r a h m i n s and M a r a thas the general mode of crosscousin m a r r i a g e
is t h a t
a man
marries
his
mother's
brother's
daughter but
not his
father's
sister's daughter. The author found
that a m o n g M a h a r s b o t h k i n d s o f
cross-cousin m a r r i a g e is allowed.
In western M a h a r a s h t r a no caste
allows a w i d o w to m a r r y her husband's younger brother; this custom
is found a m o n g m a n y castes
in
eastern M a h a r a s h t r a .
Food and Dress
Differences also
exist in
other
m a t t e r s like food, dress and w o r ship.
In
Maharashtra
among
most
Brahmin
castes
non-vegetarian
food is taboo but the
Saraswat
B r a h m i n s eat fish.
Among Vanis
non-vegetarian food is also taboo.
M o s t other castes eat
such food
b u t cow's meat is forbidden. Cow's
meat was
universally
eaten by
M a h a r s not so long ago but now
m a n y of them have given it up.
The v a r i e t y in dress is best seen
in culture-contact regions l i k e the
d i s t r i c t s o f Khandesh,
Bhandara
and
Chanda,
There are castes
w h i c h settled i n M a h a r a s h t r a i n
recent h i s t o r i c a l times. The differences in the dress of these castes
a n d the s u r r o u n d i n g
Maharashtra
castes show
various degrees
of
acculturation.
Even w i t h i n the
region there are certain t r a d i t i o n a l
differences.
The head-gear of the
M a r a t h a s was different f r o m t h a t
of the B r a h m i n s .
The w o m e n of
the M a l i caste
wear a choli, the
sleeves of w h i c h cover the elbows
and come d o w n an inch; the w o m e n of the M a r a t h a caste wear a
choli w h i c h stops
short
of the
elbow; w h i l e to the women of the
V a d d a r caste a choli or a n y sewn
garment to cover the upper part
of the body is altogether taboo.
Religious Practice
The
same phenomenon
occurs
also as regards religious practices
t h o u g h the lines of demarcation are
not as definite as in the case of the
c u l t u r a l items described upto now.
Some castes have gods of their
o w n and if they can afford i t , members of a caste m a y build a temple
to their gods or goddesses.
Such
a temple is owned by the caste. In
Poona, one such temple is t h a t of
K a s a r d e v i . As the name makes it
clear, the goddess is a p a t r o n of
the makers of copper
a n d brass
pots. The temple is situated near
K a s a r a l i (the street of the K a s a r s ) .
B a n a s h a n k a r i is the goddess
of
certain weaver castes,
but she is
also worshipped by others. M a r i - a i
is a goddess of the M a h a r s and her
temple is found in most villages
in
Maharashtra
i n the h a b i t a t i o n area of the M a h a r s . The worshipping priests always belong to
the M a h a r caste.
Some
shepherd
castes on the border of K a r n a t a k
and M a h a r a s h t r a have a god c a l l ed B h a r a m a p p a . The M a r a t h i god
K h a n d o b a has t w o wives. One of
t h e m is the special goddess of the
Marathi
Dhangars
(shepherds).
A m o n g B r a h m i n s also, different
castes have preference for different
gods.
K h a n d o b a is worshipped by
Deshastha
Rigvedi
Brahmins
( M a r a t h a s and some other castes
also worship
him).
Chitpavans
w o r s h i p m o s t l y god Shiva belongi n g to one of the coastal shrines
i n the R a t n a g i r i d i s t r i c t . M a n y
M a d h y a n d i n B r a h m i n s are worshippers of R e n u k a of M a h u r g a d .
M o r e t h a n gods, the modes of
w o r s h i p are sometimes
exclusive
to a caste. One such example is a
peculiar
custom
called
Bodan
w h i c h is performed in honour of a
mother-goddess
by the C h i t p a v a n
B r a h m i n s only.
As already said
153
w o r s h i p of a god is not exclusive
to a caste.
It is more
regional
a n d f a m i l i a l , it also depends on the
spiritual experience
of an i n d i v i dual. A n y b o d y ,
irrespective
of
caste, m a y pay homage to a n y god
provided in so doing he does n o t
transgress the taboos set on
his
caste.
C h o k h a M e l a a saint of
M a h a r a s h t r a was a M a h a r a n d a
great devotee of the god V i t h o b a
of Pandharpur. He worshipped the
god s t a n d i n g outside
the temple
because as an untouchable he was
not allowed to 'go i n t o the temple.
W h a t e v e r the f a m i l y
or caste
god, a l l people
in a village must
support the chief god of the village
besides m a n y m i n o r ones.
Besides
gods, everyone pays respect to a l l
k i n d s of goblins and spirits whose
l i t t l e shrines are spread a l l
over
the c o u n t r y by the road-side
or
under a tree
or besides r u n n i n g
water.
T h o u g h gods m a y not be
exclusive possessions of a caste
s t i l l a certain preference for certain
gods a n d
shrines
is seen
a m o n g castes. This, combined w i t h
certain
performances
and modes
a n d d u r a t i o n of observing pollution
at b i r t h a n d death, modes of w o r ship, fast days and
feast days
together, allows
one caste to
be
distinguished f r o m another as regards religious and m a g i c a l practices.
These examples should suffice to
show t h a t in a caste-society groups
live side by side w h i c h differ cult u r a l l y f r o m one another i n smaller or greater degrees.
Meaning of Separateness
This peculiarity
of the
castesociety raises
certain
interesting
questions w h i c h must be briefly i n dicated to give a proper idea
of
w h a t is meant by social separateness of caste-groups.
W h a t exactly is the degree
of
separateness? W h a t are the c u l t u r a l
similarities
and
diversities
of
castes?
There are certain c u l t u r a l
items w h i c h are shared by castes
over a very wide area. One such
i t e m is language. Hundreds of
endogamous castes together
numbering f r o m
ten m i l l i o n to
over
f o r t y m i l l i o n and l i v i n g in a contiguous area
speak
a mutually
understandable
language.
I n the
Tanjore district
of Madras there
are castes from M a h a r a s h t r a w h i c h
emigrated in the 18th century a n d
w h i c h still speak a k i n d of M a r a t h i
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL
January, 1959
154
January, 1959
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
i n t h e i r f a m i l y circle.
T h e same
i s the case i n C e n t r a l I n d i a
and
G u j a r a t i n the states o f G w a l i o r ,
Dhar, I n d o r e , Devas
a n d Baroda.
A t a l l these
places the r a j a was
a M a r a t h a a n d the M a r a t h i l a n guage was the spoken language of
the rulers. It should be noted however t h a t a l l the speakers of M a r a t h i in these states also knew a n d
spoke the language
of the region
in w h i c h they were placed. There
are however certain castes whose
retention of t h e i r language is due
to other causes w h i c h are directly
related to the nature of the caste
society.
The t r a d i n g groups like
Marwaris retain
t h e i r language.
T h e y are n u m e r i c a l l y s m a l l groups
a n d have t o g o t o M a r w a r t o b r i n g
brides a n d give
their daughters.
The caste endogagmy
is a factor
w h i c h makes a group r e t a i n
its
language.
The R a m o s h i in Satara
and Poona districts have all their
marriages w i t h i n these districts and
yet w i t h i n the f a m i l y they t a l k a
language w h i c h
retains a
very
large p r o p o r t i o n of K a n n a d a words.
T h i s is understandable when
one
reflects t h a t they were listed
as
c r i m i n a l tribes and lived a life in
m a n y ways
apart
from
other
castes.
This language was
described as a 'secret' language a n d
they kept it as it was v e r y necessary f o r t h e i r profession. A comm o n language is a c u l t u r a l i t e m
shared by a l l castes in a region.
As regards other items the prop o r t i o n of castes s h a r i n g in them
gradually
diminishes
until
we
come to certain t r a i t s w h i c h
are
found
exclusively in one
caste
only.
There are certain c u l t u r a l
items
w h i c h are
spread a m o n g
almost a l l castes over m a n y l i n guistic regions. I n the n o r t h f r o m
Punjab to Assam
a n d f r o m the
foothills o f the H i m a l a y a s almost
upon the r i v e r N a r m a d a ( b a r r i n g
some of the p r i m i t i v e tribes) there
is a taboo on cross-cousin m a r r i a g e ,
while in the region south of the
above, cross-cousin marriages
are
allowed.
Conformity and Non-conformity:
Regional Pattern
H o w did c u l t u r a l t r a i t s
spread
over such large areas or were they
always there
een before groups
called castes emerged?
W h a t are
the mechanisms b y w h i c h a n i m m i g r a n t group adopts a c u l t u r a l t r a i t
f o u n d i n the r e g i o n o f its settlement?
Certain
castes t a k e
up
certain traits,
others do others.
What is it that
determines
this
choice? In the absence of a p o l i t i cal or religious agency to impose
c e r t a i n norms, w h a t are the agencies leading
to g r a d u a l c o n f o r m i ty to
a regional p a t t e r n or
to
persistence in certain t r a i t s
and
non-conformity? The words conf o r m i t y o r n o n - c o n f o r m i t y cannot
r e a l l y be used in the context of the
larger caste-society
because
conf o r m i t y or non-conformity are of
prime importance as regards
beh a v i o u r w i t h i n caste r a t h e r
than
as regards behaviour outside caste.
The very structure of the caste
society supplies
clues for f i n d i n g
out answers
to some
of these
questions. The fact of being sociall y self-contained
may retard i m i t a t i o n and c o n f o r m i t y , but caste
h i e r a r c h y (of w h i c h more presentl y ) m a y lead t o i m i t a t i o n w h i c h
again m a y be forbidden because of
the v e r y hierarchy w h i c h brings it
about.
Then a g a i n the
regional
position w h i c h a caste occupies (e g,
border area), its profession (e g,
refer to the Ramoshi
caste mentioned above), the d u r a t i o n of its
h a b i t a t i o n in an area and the fact
of its continued intercourse outside
the region (the M a r w a r i s mentioned
above) are factors w h i c h must be
considered
while
studying
the
mechanism of
change.
Whatever
the agencies of change,
the urge
to c o n f o r m i t y is never so great
t h a t one can find large tracts of
land, c o n t a i n i n g m a n y castes
foll o w i n g the same p a t t e r n as regards
dress, food,
k i n s h i p organisation
a n d worship.
A caste
society allows
groups
to live side by side l i v i n g
their
lives separately and
coming together in certain economic relations
and certain f o r m a l social relations.
We have seen
t h a t there is exchange of goods a n d ideas a m o n g
these groups.
Some castes
may
give up some practice to t a k e up
another but the most
important
process is not of e l i m i n a t i o n a n d
choice but of a m a l g a m a t i o n
and
accretion. Different practices
are
not felt as c u l t u r a l alternatives of
w h i c h one can r e m a i n
a n d the
other m u s t be g i v e n up, but they
are allowed
to r e m a i n side
by
side.
T h a t is w h a t has happened
especially as
regards gods a n d
modes of worship. Ever new gods
are added a n d ever new
methods
o f w o r s h i p are acquired w i t h o u t
giving
up the
o l d ones.
A
vegetarian B r a h m i n , w h o worships
150
his o w n
household
gods w i t h
sandalwood paste a n d flowers, does
not feel it c o n t r a d i c t o r y to
pay
his share
of the c o n t r i b u t i o n to
buy a goat or chicken to be k i l l e d
as sacrifice before the village god
and or M a r i - a i ,
Caste Hierarchy
M e n t i o n has been made of the
caste-hierarchy
as i m p e l l i n g a n d
at the same time preventing i m i t a t i o n . T h i s brings us to the
second i m p o r t a n t aspect of castesociety.
The caste society has not
o n l y made it possible f o r a great
v a r i e t y of c u l t u r a l patterns to live
side by side but has divided this
whole society i n t o almost as m a n y
r a n k s as there are castes in each
region.
We have dealt w i t h one p a r t of
this r a n k i n g which
theoretically
divides the whole caste-society i n t o
four m a j o r varnas and saw
how
the castes f r o m
the f o u r t h v a r n a
t r y to rise to the status of one of
the higher three varnas.
(Special
Number, J u l y 1958.) W i t h i n each
varna there are differences in r a n k i n g leading to
hypergamous m a r riages and these were also indicated in t h a t a r t i c l e .
There it was indicated t h a t r a n k i n g is v i t a l l y i m p o r t a n t f o r castes
in the f o u r t h group, the Shudra'.
We have seen how the castes
w i t h i n the three varnas r a n k , the
rivalries of the three varnas a n d
h o w their position differs f r o m reg i o n to region depending on w h i c h
the d o m i n a n t caste is.
The posit i o n of the B r a h m i n s was always
disputed by the K s h a t r i y a s and in
the regions
where
Jainism and
L i n g a y a t i s m are powerful,
Brahmins have t a k e n a lower position.
B u t whatever
the
position
and
rivalries of the castes of the v a r nas, the position of a l l the castes
of the f o u r t h v a r n a has been held
to be lower than the position of
a l l the castes of
the first three
varnas.
W i t h the f o u r t h v a r n a are found
castes
of petty agriculturists, or
agricultural
labourers,
artisans,
herders of cattle, sheep, goats a n d
camels, fishermen and boatmen,
barbers and washermen, shoe-makers, tanners, removers of dead cattle
from
the
farmers'
cow-sheds,
musicians, mendicants, a n d robbers.
F r o m a m o n g m a n y of these groups
there are certain castes w h i c h have
claimed to be B r a h m i n s (e g, some
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL
January, 1959
156
January, 1959
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
carpenter
castes c a l l
themselves
V i s h v a - B r a h m i n s ) a n d others have
called themselves K s h a t r i y a s (e g
some
cowherds
call
themselves
Y a d a v a K s h a t r i y a s ) . B u t for the
purpose of the present a r t i c l e
we
need not consider these groups.
The artisans l i k e carpenters a n d
weavers
have
in
Maharashtra
higher status t h a n K u m b h a r w h o
m a k e earthen pots. Some castes of
iron-smiths
have a h i g h
status,
others
have a v e r y l o w
status.
Herders of cattle w h o
are also
m i l k m e n are higher t h a n shepherds
a n d goatherds.
B o a t m e n have a
higher
status
t h a n fishermen;
barbers are quite h i g h
in some
regions a n d extremely l o w i n
others.
The w a s h e r m a n has gener a l l y a l o w status. The shoe-makers, tanners etc
have the lowest
status a n d are held to be u n t o u c h able. There are some castes w h i c h
are untouchable in one region and
touchable in another. In the above
description
of
status,
English
words
are used
to indicate the
usual occupation of castes but t h a t
m a y lead t o m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g . I t
w o u l d be better to use the castename
because t h a t w o u l d
show
clearly t h a t whatever
the o r i g i n
of status, at the
present t i m e it
depends on the caste r a t h e r t h a n
on occupation.
F o r example, a B r a h m i n
who
has started the business of
skinning
( w i t h his o w n hands)
the
dead a n i m a l and t a n n i n g the hide
m a y for a time lose status on his
o w n caste but does n o t become an
untouchable l i k e
the h e r e d i t a r y
tanners, the Chambhars a n d Dhors.
A M a r a t h a c l a i m i n g to be h i g h b o r n
Kshatriya
remains
a
Maratha
even w h e n he sells
vegetables or
opens a grocery shop
or runs a
b o a r d i n g house. T h a t this was the
case in olden days is
shown by
hundreds of stories.
Criteria of Ranking
D r M c K i m H a r r i o t , i n a paper o n
r a n k a m o n g castes (to be published
by the Deccan College), has t r i e d
to give a scheme of
r a n k i n g by
a s k i n g people w h i c h
castes they
held to be higher and lower.
It
w o u l d be w o r t h
while to get an
idea o f r a n k i n g b y
asking who
dined w i t h w h o m and who sat w i t h
w h o m . I n the
village w h e n the
whole v i l l a g e is to be fed by the
r i c h m a n the place where a guest
is fed gives an idea of r a n k i n g .
R a n k i n g i s connected w i t h ideas
o f distance a n d p o l l u t i o n .
The
caste moat obsessed
by ideas
of
p o l l u t i o n was B r a h m i n . The author,
a B r a h m i n , remembers t h a t as a
school g i r l she h a d to change a l l her
school-clothes w h i c h were polluted
t h r o u g h c o m i n g i n contact w i t h
"God k n o w s w h a t
castes", before
being allowed to eat or move freely
in the house. T h e other castes share
these ideas as regards untouchables.
The h a b i t a t i o n area of the untouchables is a l w a y s separate. If a v i l l a g e
is situated on the b a n k of a r i v e r or
stream, the untouchables must use
the w a t e r o n l y f r o m the lower reaches w h i l e the place for b a t h i n g , fetchi n g w a t e r etc (called P a n o t h a ) of
the touchables was always on the
upper reaches. In some villages the
village street is divided i n t o t w o
parts, one higher and the other lower
a n d o n l y the the l a t t e r can be used
by the untouchables. M e n of higher
castes sat on horseback w h i l e those
of the lower castes could and did use
the donkey occasionally. The dist i n c t i o n s of r a n k a n d the disabilities
of the lower castes increased as one
w e n t f r o m n o r t h t o south i n I n d i a .
T h e principle of r a n k does not dist i n g u i s h merely the touchable f r o m
the untouchable but makes distinetions between each group.
The
C h a m b h a r (shoe-maker) r a n k s h i g h est a m o n g the
untouchable castes.
M a h a r comes next a n d the lowest
are Mangs w h o are not a l l o w e d by
M a h a r s to use t h e i r well for d r a w i n g
d r i n k i n g water. F o r certain purposes w o m e n (of even higher castes)
were held as equivalent to Shudras
and certain t h i n g s (reading or reciti n g the Vedic M a n t r a s ) were taboo to
both.
The h i e r a r c h y is such t h a t almost
a l l castes have some castes lower
t h a n them. The s i t u a t i o n is w e l l
described by a M a r a t h i poet ( C o v i n d a r a j -died in 1919) w h o describes
the H i n d u society as made up of
men " w h o bow t h e i r heads to the
k i c k s f r o m above, w h o simultaneously give a k i c k below, never t h i n k i n g
to resist the one, or to r e f r a i n f r o m
the other." R a n k or h i e r a r c h y perpetuates privileges a n d injustices. I t
increases isolation, at the same t i m e
c r e a t i n g conflicts
and an intense
desire to rise in the social scale.
Caste Ideas In Antiquity
We need not go i n t o the question
as to h o w l o n g t h i s social structure
w i t h a l l its r a m i f i c a t i o n s has been
i n existence i n I n d i a . I t h i n k t h a t
anthropologists a n d Indologists w i l l
agree w i t h me w h e n I state t h a t by
157
about 500 A D, if not earlier, the
s t r u c t u r e existed almost as we k n o w
it
today. S a n s k r i t and
Prakrit
literature
story, a p h o r i s m a n d
drama
- bear ample evidence of
the existence of such a society; It
also gives r e v e a l i n g glimpses of
sentiments a n d values, privileges
a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n s w h i c h arose i n
this society. The most revealing
are expressions of intercaste prejudice and d i s t r u s t g i v i n g
rise to
certain stereotypes.
B u t apart f r o m a l l this l i g h t l i t e rature, there exists a body of philosophical doctrines w o r k e d i n t o a
system w h i c h fits the caste society
as described above.
The various
doctrines w h i c h m a k e up this syst e m were in existence for a v e r y
l o n g t i m e (about a thousand years)
before the e i g h t h century A D, but
at this t i m e they were w o r k e d i n t o
a single philosophical system about
the nature o f r e a l i t y , v a l i d i t y o f
knowledge, the existence of the
w o r l d a n d the beings i n i t a n d
about the ideal of h u m a n endeavour.
T h i s philosophy is called A d v a i t a v e d a n t a of S h a n k a r a ,
Shankara, a
N a m b u d r i B r a h m i n born i n K e r a l a
in the 8 t h century reviewed a n d
criticised
different
philosophical
theories, w h i c h were in existence
then, refuted some and brought the
others together into a w e l l - k n i t
whole. W h e n one analyses some of
the features of this system one sees
its i n t i m a t e connection w i t h the
caste-society.
This fact need not
affect the v a l i d i t y of the speculation
about U l t i m a t e R e a l i t y contained in
the system.
T h i s type of interdependence of a social system and
intellectual speculation can be de~
m o n s t r a t e d for other countries and
other systems also.
As already noted the doctrines
expounded by S h a n k a r a were k n o w n
for a thousand years before h i m
but u n l i k e his predecessors, Shank a r a w r o t e commentaries on almost
a l l the i m p o r t a n t philosophical texts
e x t a n t at his time. He w r o t e on
the most i m p o r t a n t Upanishads, the
B r a h m a S u t r a a n d the B h a g v a t geeta a n d also commented on the
Buddhist and Jain a systems of
thought. Thus he gave for the first
t i m e in lucid forceful prose a well
organised system of thought, about
the U l t i m a t e Realiy and its r e l a t i o n ship to the w o r l d in which we live
a n d act. The doctrine of R e a l i t y
is connected w i t h t w o o t h e r doctrines w h i c h are not l o g i c a l l y bound
w i t h i t but w h i c h f o r m e d p a r t o f
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL
January, 1959
Utt
January, 1959
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL
the philosophical t h o u g h t of the
Hindus, Jains a n d Buddhists f r o m
very ancient times. These were also
t a k e n up by S h a n k a r a in his system,
viz, the doctrines of (a) K a r m a
a n d (b) R e - b i r t h . W h e n a l l these
are t a k e n together they f o r m a
system of t h o u g h t w h i c h is astonishi n g l y pertinent to the H i n d u castesociety. T h i s body of doctrines w i t h
its social implications is given below.
The Ultimate Reality
A b o u t the U l t i m a t e R e a l i t y w h i c h
is called B r a h m a , (The w o r d is usua l l y w r i t t e n as B r a h m a n . I have
w r i t t e n it in its n o m i n a t i v e singular
f o r m so as to a v o i d confusion w i t h
the w o r d B r a h m a n used for a caste)
there are l o u r propositions.
The
first proposition says, ' B r a h m a is
one, w i t h o u t a second' ( E k a m eva
a d v i t i y a m B r a h m a ) ; the second proposition says, ' A l l this is B r a h m a '
( S a r v a m k h a l u idam B r a h m a ) ; the
t h i r d proposition says. " Y o u are
' I f . " ( T a t t w a i n a s i ) ; the f o u r t h
says,
"I am
Brahma"
(Aham
B r a h m a a s m i ) . The first proposit i o n says t h a t R e a l i t y is one, the
second says t h a t w h a t e v e r one sees
round is that Reality, and the t h i r d
a n d f o u r t h t h a t a h u m a n being is
that Reality.
These statements sound
contrad i c t o r y inasmuch as w h a t is asserted as one is said to be m a n y a n d
that again is said to be an i n d i v i dual.
T h i s is explained by commentaries in such a w a y t h a t the
Absolutely Real, the one B r a h m a in
its entirety can be neither seen, nor
heard, nor imagined. It is beyond
a l l predication, it is neither good
nor bad, neither b r i g h t nor d a r k . It
is beyond t i m e a n d space, or in other
words the o n l y categories of space
and t i m e w h i c h can be applied to
it are here a n d now. T h i s r e a l i t y
is spoken of always as ' i t ' . The
second
proposition tells t h a t
'all
this', the w o r l d of sense and experience spread before us. is also i t ' or
Brahma.
The reconciliation of
these t w o propositions a n d the exp l a n a t i o n of t h e i n t e r - r e l a t i o n between the U l t i m a t e R e a l i t y and this
w o r l d of experience f o r m the core
of the philosophical t h o u g h t . It is
in t h i s context t h a t S h a n k a r a uses
t w o concepts. As against the reali t y of B r a h m a he calls the w o r l d
of sense m e r e l y an appearance, an
u n r e a l i t y , w h i c h has a d r e a m l i k e
q u a l i t y . T h i s d r e a m w o u l d vanish
the m i n u t e the U l t i m a t e R e a l i t y is
r e a l i s e d - this Is called his doctrine
of M a y a ,
S h a n k a r a uses another
expression also w h e n describing the
i n t e r - r e l a t i o n of the Absolute a n d
the w o r l d of sense. The first he
calls "the absolute t r u t h " , ( I ' a r a m a r t h i k a S a t y a ) . The second he
calls "the behavioural t r u t h ' ' ( V y a v a h a r i k a S a t y a ) , The second alone
is capable of value judgments, w h i c h
cannot be applied at a l l to B r a h m a .
The W o r l d
of
Appearances
It is this doctrine w h i c h is i m p o r t a n t f r o m a sociological point of
view. The
w o r l d of
appearance
comprises
heavens, earths,
hells,
gods, men and demons and a l l the
other things in it. A l l this is 'appearance'; one of its qualities is
t h a t it is
bounded by t i m e a n d
space.
On the one hand it has a
r i g h t to be recognised, as " i t is
B r a h m a " , on the other h a n d it has
no absolute R e a l i t y inasmuch as it
is not the whole of i t . The m o r a l
order belongs to this w o r l d of appearances.
That
m o r a l precepts
change according to time a n d space
was realised by a l l I n d i a n w r i t e r s .
The only w a y to reduce the relat i v i t y o f m o r a l t r u t h was t o imagine
the whole w o r l d to be a f a m i l y
(Vasudhau eva K u t u m b a k a m ) , the
one social group w h i c h gave some
k i n d of justice to everybody in i t .
This doctrine of the Absolute T r u t h
somehow
containing
behavioural
t r u t h s gave
j u s t i f i c a t i o n for
the
existence side by side of m a n y gods,
m a n y forms of worship and m a n y
patterns of behaviour.
The absolute, though infinite and indescribable, s t i l l gave certain rules of behaviour.
Moral Neutrality
One such rule is 'samata' or
'samadarshitva'.
The f o r m e r w o r d
is c u r r e n t l y used as the equivalent
to the E n g l i s h w o r d 'equality' but
i n S a n s k r i t philosophical l i t e r a t u r e ,
as also in old M a r a t h i literature,
the w o r d samata' has quite another
meaning.
It expresses an a t t i t u d e
of complete n e u t r a l i t y . The examples given by Dnaneshwar (13th cent u r y ) , w h i c h are t a k e n directly f r o m
older S a n s k r i t philosophical literat u r e are as follows ' W a t e r fin a
stream) does not say t h a t " I w i l l
quench the t h i r s t of the cow but
become
poisonous
and
k i l l the
tiger"; the earth does not say, " I
shall give support to the good and
deny it to the bad'". In the same
w a y must a m a n
behave.
More
159
t h a n f o r o r d i n a r y beings was this
the n o r m f o r the behaviour of the
k i n g , viz, i m p a r t i a l i t y to a l l groups
i n his k i n g d o m . I n order t o m a k e
common
intercourse
(vyavahara)
possible, certain rules of behaviour,
especially those embodied in c r i m i n a l law, were devised, but a comm o n c i v i l l a w even in one k i n g d o m
was never in existence. Each case
of dispute was solved according to
the
established t r a d i t i o n s
of a
group, in this instance the caste.
I n Europe the c h u r c h and the
k i n g were the t w o agencies w h i c h
l a i d down norms of social behaviour
a n d made people f o l l o w t h e m by a
constant supervision and ruthless
punishment.
The very doctrine of
B r a h m a a n d its m a n y manifestations made it impossible f o r any
priesthood or any k i n g to c l a i m
divine sanction for one set of rules
a n d call a l l others the creation of
Satan.
'Samata' was the v i r t u e
prescribed for the k i n g , the head of
a household, the husband of m a n y
wives. The o n l y w e l l developed l a w
was c r i m i n a l l a w and the law f o r
i n d i v i d u a l behaviour was t r a d i t i o n .
It was said t h a t even when one
realised f u l l y t h a t all t h a t one experiences
is an
appearance, one
must go on d o i n g a l l the things one
did. The only difference between
the behaviour before such a realisation and the behaviour after such
realisation
was t h a t in the l a t t e r
stage,
behaviour h a d no goal to
reach, no desires to fulfil. I n this
stage when one reaches the state
described in the f o u r t h proposition
" I a m B r a h m a " one i s above a l l
gods, a l l religion, a l l m o r a l i t y .
T h i s proposition had a consequence w h i c h was d r a w n and uttered
by
both philosophers
and sages:
when it was stated: "God is a creat i o n of our belief". M a n is the
m a k e r of gods and gods necessarily
are m a n y because men's desires a n d
beliefs are many. T h i s justified the
existence side by side of different
gods and different customs.
Budd h i s m a n d Jainism, t h o u g h opposed
to orthodox H i n d u i s m , never denied
t h a t the gods of the H i n d u s were
not gods, T h e y were merely given
a subordinate position w i t h l i m i t e d
powers.
Diversity and Unity
The u l t i m a t e u n i t y o f H i n d u c u l ture i n c l u d i n g such dissident doctrines as
Buddhism and J a i n i s m
was as difficult to realise, as the
'one Brahma", while the d i v e r s i t y of
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J a n u a r y , 1959
160
January, 1959
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL
c u l t u r a l practices was as obvious as
the w o r l d of appearances.
This
doctrine, w h i l e explaining the v a r i ety, also t a u g h t
t h a t there was
n o t h i n g w r o n g i n this v a r i e t y and
each p a t t e r n h a d a r i g h t to exist.
E v e r new patterns m a y arise because the manifestations of B r a h m a
are infinite but this change is not
necessarily at the expense of somet h i n g already existing. "The old
order changeth
y i e l d i n g place to
new" was not the key to change.
Change occurred g r a d u a l l y a n d in
part o n l y a n d the new a n d the newer existed side by side w i t h the old
and the older
I f evolution was a n
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of h i s t o r y f r o m the
point of view of the latest and the
newest, the I n d i a n point of view of
h i s t o r y has been one in w h i c h all
the past and a l l the present is
spread
out in a seemingly static
existence.
I n Europe C h r i s t i a n i t y
struggled to suppress the older
faiths a n d establish the one God
and the one true religion. The social process
as one of selection
and choice by a few and then,
forceful suppression in order to u n i versalise whatever was chosen
In
I n d i a on the other hand simultaneous and peaceful co-existence of
m a n y religions and m a n y gods became the n o r m of social existence.
Karma
It was stated above t h a t side by
side w i t h the doctrine of B r a h m a
were t w o other ideas woven i n t o
the philosophical system w h i c h were
of great social consequence. These
were (1) the l a w of K a r m a and (2)
the doctrine of r e - b i r t h . As against
the
Brahma-Doctrine,
these t w o
concern the w o r l d of
appearances
and have no place in the ' U l t i m a t e
Reality'.
The connection of these
two w i t h
Brahma'
will
become
clear later.
The l a w o f K a r m a takes for
g r a n t e d t h a t all existence, especiall y o f l i v i n g beings, i n c l u d i n g t h a t
of those who live in heaven and
those w h o live in hell, is bound up
together in a chain of existence
w h i c h n o r m a l l y has n o end. A l most every act of a h u m a n being
hag a m i n u s or a plus value. At
death if the plus value is greater
t h a n the minus, t h a t i n d i v i d u a l is
b o r n either in heaven or on e a r t h
in a status better t h a n the one enj o y e d b y h i m . I f the balance i s o n
the m i n u s side, then one goes to
hell or Is born on earth in a lower
status, or as a beast or a plant un-
t i l the minus balance is exhausted,
when one is b o r n again as a h u m a n
being. K a r m a is good or bad action.
"Sanchita
k a r m a " is the capital
w i t h w h i c h one is born. " P r a r a b d h a
k a r m a " is the capital one is accum u l a t i n g at a given time. The very
f a c t t h a t one is b o r n means that
one Is re-born, u n t i l one is able to
attain liberation.
This is the doctrine of r e b i r t h . A
b i r t h and all that
follows is the
result of Sanchita k a r m a or accum u l a t e d actions of a past b i r t h
H u m a n b i r t h i s the only b i r t h i n
w h i c h one can refuse to accumulate
a capital of good a n d e v i l . This can
be done only by realising the Reali t y of B r a h m a , reaching the state
of m i n d called "samata" and l i v i n g
t h r o u g h life w i t h o u t any desires.
Then there is no accumulation of
capital and then there is final release f r o m the chain of births a n d
deaths.
Social Inequality
T h a t part of the doctrine w h i c h
states t h a t being born as
particular being or in a p a r t i c u l a r status
is due to accumulated m e r i t or dem e r i t i s socially i m p o r t a n t . I t j u s t i fies the .social inequalities of the
caste system and at the same t i m e
gives hope o f betterment t o a l l . I t
also gives a definition of m e r i t o rious conduct w h i c h makes it possible for a l l the castes to achieve a
plus balance of some sort and thereby raises t r a d i t i o n a l i s m to be t h e
highest m o r a l conduct.
L e t us consider these points one
by one. In Bhagvatgeeta when S h r i
K r i s h n a was e x p l a i n i n g the w a y for
reaching
the
highest
Brahma,
A r j u n a was disturbed by a doubt.
Suppose one were to die w h i l e yet
endeavouring to reach the goal,
w h a t w o u l d happen? W i l l one have
to begin the t a s k a l l over again in
another b i r t h ? S h r i K r i s h n a calms
the fears by s t a t i n g t h a t the endeavours of one b i r t h are never wasted.
One is born In a noble f a m i l y ,
where people do good
and avoid
evil, where the whole atmosphere
lends i t s e l f to do meritorious deeds
a n d one is endowed w i t h qualities
of head a n d heart a n d character in
such a w a y t h a t l i t t l e effort is needed to achieve w h a t was left undone
i n the previous b i r t h .
T h i s suggests t h a t a certain status
in l i f e is more conducive to accum u l a t i o n o f good t h a n certain
others.
F o r example, being born
of well-to-do people, who are gene-
rous, who care for physical p u r i t y ,
w h o give to the priests, the gods,
a n d the poor their due is the result
of the accumulated capital of former births a n d in its t u r n leads to
further accumulation of m e r i t . Obviously then, for an untouchable
l i v i n g in f i l t h y surroundings and doi n g f i l t h y w o r k , the realisation of
B r a h m a was a f a r cry.
His very
l o w l y position was the stamp of the
accumulation of e v i l in a previous
b i r t h T h i s doctrine went f a r bey o n d the justification of the existence of diversity. It justified social
inequality.
Being born in favourable c i r c u m stances was one t h i n g and m a k i n g
use of them was quite another. In
fact, the very easiness of c i r c u m stances m i g h t lead to temptations
w h i c h would slacken the efforts or
even m a k e one forget the goal of
B r a h m a - r e a l i s a t i o n . The b i r t h gave
one an advantage, one m a y be born
as god. or a B r a h m i n or a great
w a r r i o r , but power is prone to lead
one to destruction; the v e r y recogn i t i o n of one's saintliness m a y lead
to pride and d o w n f a l l a n d to
being born in a humble state.
Recognising this fact as a consequence of one's o w n action in a previous b i r t h m a y be
conducive to
B r a h m a - r e a l i s a t i o n . One is humble,
one's e a r t h l y circumstances are b a d
enough so as not to be a t t r a c t i v e
and one may t u r n to god w i t h
greater fervour.
( I t m a y be noted
t h a t devotion to a god w i t h o u t a n y
u l t e r i o r motives was one of the
easier paths f o r B r a h m a - r e a l i s a t i o n . ) I n this way, the theory o f
K a r m a and R e b i r t h while j u s t i f y i n g
social inequality, held out a future
hope for betterment and promised
u l t i m a t e equality in the goal of
Brahma-realisation.
The Social Reality of Karma
We come now to the t h i r d p a r t
o f the K a r m a theory
Most K a r m a
has a positive or a negative value
but certain K a r m a l i k e breathing,
opening and s h u t t i n g of eyelids has
no value. K a r m a l i k e u r i n a t i n g or
defecating, t h o u g h necessary bodily
action, m i g h t have positive or negative value depending on the time
a n d place where such actions are
performed.
A large
number
of
K a r m a have a different value for
people of different status. If a
B r a h m i n starts a butcher's shop or
a liquor-shop he is sure to go to
hell. There are other ways of gett i n g his livelihood.
But if a m a n
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J a n u a r y , 1959
162
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY ANNUAL
belonging to the caste of hunters
a n d butchers or liquor-sellers does
i t , it is not a sin, it has no negative
value and it does not hinder these
people f r o m a c c u m u l a t i n g the positive capital of m e r i t or even f r o m
Brahma-realisation.
I t i s said t h a t a l l K a r m a done
f r o m a mere sense of d u t y and not
f r o m motives of gain or aggrandisem e n t were w i t h o u t either a positive
or negative value, and provided
t h a t one realised the u n i t y of self
w i t h all at the same time, one could
reach B r a h m a . There w o u l d be no
accumulated capital necessitating a
r e b i r t h . T h i s doctrine t a u g h t t h a t
one had to bear one's e a r t h l y lot,
if sad, w i t h o u t rancour, if good,
w i t h o u t pride and so w o u l d the
gates of release be opened.
Traditional Behaviour Raised
To Highest Moral Principle
January. 1959
apart but the butcher saw h i m ,
h u r r i e d l y stepped down, bowed at
the feet of the B r a h m i n a n d t o o k
h i m home. A f t e r w o r s h i p p i n g h i m
the butcher t o l d h i m about his k i l l i n g the birds a n d his conversation
w i t h the d u t i f u l housewife.
The
B r a h m i n was astonished and asked
how a m a n d o i n g such w o r k could
have such s p i r i t u a l achievements.
The butcher replied, " W h a t I do is
because of the deeds of my past
b i r t h . I c a n t help i t . But I do it
f r o m a sense of duty only, I serve
my parents and gods, give to B r a h mins a n d live w i t h o u t u n t r u t h and
cruelty". Then follows a l o n g discourse on how everybody must do
w h a t has been apportioned t h r o u g h
deeds of the last b i r t h a n d how one
could s t i l l be released.
The m o r a l is obvious.
Despised
beings like women and Shudras (the
t w o are always bracketed together)
In this context the f o l l o w i n g story
f r o m M a h a b h a r a t a is revealing
(A ran y a k Par van A d h y a y a 197206.) A holy B r a h m i n s i t t i n g in
contemplation under a tree was
spattered w i t h excreta. He looked
up in great anger and saw a pair
of birds w h i c h at his look died i n stantaneously. He then started on
his daily r o u n d to beg food in the
city. He came to a house and c a l l ed loudly t h a t he had a r r i v e d . The
housewife who was
cleaning the
pots asked h i m to w a i t . In the
meanwhile
the husband
of the
woman came home. As soon as she
saw h i m , she left, her w o r k , washed
her hands,
b r o u g h t food for the
husband and while he ate stood by
h i m t a l k i n g sweetly and serving
h i m . A f t e r the husband had eaten
she remembered the B r a h m i n standi n g outside and came out hastily
w i t h food, begged the mendicant's
pardon a n d asked h i m
to accept
food.
The B r a h m i n in a
rage
abused her and enquired if she
thought it proper behaviour to keep
a B r a h m i n w a i t i n g . She replied
calmly t h a t as a m a r r i e d w o m a n
her first d u t y was to her husband
and a B r a h m i n should not get a n g r y
and go on k i l l i n g birds. The B r a h m i n was surprised at her answer
a n d begged to k n o w f u r t h e r about
d u t y a n d meritorious life. She h a d
no t i m e but directed h i m to a butcher l i v i n g in the k i n g d o m of K i n g
J a n a k a in the city of M i t h i l a .
T h e B r a h m i n w a l k e d f o r days
a n d on reaching M i t h i l a was directed to t h e butcher's shop. He stood
163
can get e x t r a o r d i n a r y powers and
a t t a i n B r a h m a - r e a l i s a t i o n provided
they do their t r a d i t i o n a l w o r k in a
humble spirit w i t h a sense of duty
rather than
f o r self aggrandisement.
Arjuna's
business as a
K s h a t r i y a was to tight and provided
he did it purely f r o m a sense of
d u t y and not to enjoy the status
of a k i n g , no blame attached to h i m .
Traditional
behaviour
was thus
raised to the highest m o r a l p r i n ciple. A person was born in a part i c u l a r status because of his own
deeds and the best could be achieved
by h i m by doing things w h i c h were
done t r a d i t i o n a l l y by people in t h a t
rank.
The B r a h m a doctrine together
w i t h the doctrines of K a r m a and
r e b i r t h were thus a complete j u s t i fication for variety, inequality and
t r a d i t i o n a l i s m of the I n d i a n castesociety.
January, 1959
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164