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research-article2015
VAWXXX10.1177/1077801215573332Violence Against WomenRagavan et al.
Article
Perceptions of Options
Available for Victims of
Physical Intimate Partner
Violence in Northern India
Violence Against Women
1­–24
© The Author(s) 2015
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DOI: 10.1177/1077801215573332
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Maya Ragavan1, Kirti Iyengar2, and Rebecca Wurtz3
Abstract
We used qualitative methodologies to understand perceptions regarding options
available for victims of physical intimate partner violence (IPV) in northern India. We
interviewed male and female community members along with IPV experts. Interviews
were transcribed, coded, and analyzed using grounded theory. Participants emphasized
that a victim of physical IPV should bear the violence, modify her husbands’ behaviors,
or seek help from her natal family. Accessing external resources such as the police
or nongovernmental organizations was viewed as both socially inappropriate and
infeasible. These results have widespread implications and lay the foundation for the
development of IPV prevention initiatives in India.
Keywords
intimate partner violence, semistructured interviews, South Asia
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is recognized as a serious medical and public health
concern for women worldwide.1 The World Health Organization (WHO) defines IPV
as any behavior within an intimate relationship that causes physical, psychological, or
sexual harm to those in the relationship. Although men can be victims of this type of
violence, the majority of IPV globally is perpetrated by men against women (Heise,
Ellsberg, & Gottemoeller, 1999; Heise & Garcia-Moreno, 2002). Physical trauma is a
common consequence of IPV, however numerous studies have also shown that victims
1Department
of Pediatrics, Stanford School of Medicine, Palo Alto, CA
Research and Training for Health (ARTH), Udaipur, Rajasthan, India
3School of Public Health, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN
2Action
Corresponding Author:
Maya Ragavan, 815 Roble Avenue, Apt 3, Menlo Park, CA 94025, USA.
Email: mayair@stanford.edu
2
Violence Against Women 
of IPV are at a higher risk for reproductive health issues such as unwanted pregnancies, pregnancy loss, and sexually transmitted infections as well as mental health morbidities such as depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, and anxiety (Campbell,
2002; Garcia-Moreno, Jansen, Ellsberg, Heise, & Watts, 2005).
India, like many other countries, suffers from the epidemic of IPV. The National
Family Health Survey 3 (NFHS-3), a country-wide survey conducted by the
Government of India in 2005 and 2006, found that the percentage of women affected
by physical IPV ranged from 5.3% (in the state of Himachal Pradesh) to 56% (in the
state of Bihar), with a national average of 30.4%. Data from the NFHS-3 also showed
that rural residence, fewer years of schooling, and excessive alcohol consumption
were associated with IPV (Kishor & Gupta, 2009; Visaria, 2008).
Although traditions are changing with time, Indian culture is generally described as
collectivist and interdependent, where individuals (especially women) are encouraged
to base their actions not only on their own desires but also on familial and societal
norms (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Krishnan, 2005; Rastogi & Therly, 2006). AhmedGhosh (2004) explained that women are expected to sacrifice their individual identities for the sake of their husbands, children, and communities and those who do so are
“referred to in almost reverential terms” (p. 111). Indian culture also places a heavy
emphasis on gender-specific roles dictating that wives are expected to be subordinate
and obedient, whereas husbands are viewed as the disciplinarians and primary decision makers (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Krishnaraj, 2007; Martin et al., 2002). Tichy,
Becker, and Sisco (2009) noted, “The more that Indian men embrace these stereotypical meanings of the woman’s role, the more likely the men are to accept violence
against women” (p. 548). Gender inequities within the family unit combined with the
importance of societal norms play a pivotal role in how IPV is understood and manifested in India.
Only a few studies have described Indian men’s and women’s attitudes about IPV.
Past quantitative research has shown that between 54% and 57% of women and 51% of
men in India thought it was acceptable for a husband to hit his wife in certain situations
and that many men considered it their right to discipline, control, and dominate their
wives (Dalal, Lee, & Gifford, 2012; Kishor & Gupta, 2009; Rani & Bonu, 2009;
Visaria, 2008). In terms of qualitative research, Go et al. (2003) used interviews and
focus groups in urban southern India to show that both women and men justified violence in certain circumstances, but beyond a particular threshold, considered spousal
abuse objectionable. Krishnan (2005) conducted an ethnographic study in southern
India and found that structural inequities such as socioeconomic status and gender
shaped women’s attitudes toward IPV. Finally, through interviews with men and women
in northern India, we discovered that physical IPV was condoned in situations where a
woman was perceived to have made a mistake (Ragavan, Iyengar, & Wurtz, 2014).
Understanding the rationale behind justified IPV is important, but to design sustainable IPV prevention interventions, it is crucial to determine how people perceive the
gamut of options available for victims of IPV. In the WHO’s multicountry study on women’s health and domestic violence (which did not include India), Garcia-Moreno et al.
(2005) found that 21% to 66% of abused women reported not having told anyone about
the violence they faced at the hands of their partners. They also noted that in
Ragavan et al.
3
some countries physically abused women turned to community or religious leaders for
assistance. In terms of studies from India, Visaria (2008) analyzed NFHS-3 data, concluding that only one in four physically or sexually abused women sought help and even fewer
requested assistance from formal authorities. Tichy et al. (2009) determined that the decision to leave an abusive relationship is often made by considering the impact that such
action would have on the family. Additional studies from India have shown that the police
generally do not support victims of IPV and that numerous barriers hinder a woman’s
ability to report abuse (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Panchanadeswaran & Koverola, 2005).
Further research is necessary to fully understand the perceptions that community
members hold regarding options available for victims of IPV. Ascertaining these opinions using qualitative methodologies in particular provides a rich and in-depth inquiry
into this complex topic. Schuler, Bates, and Islam (2008) used interviews and focus
groups in rural Bangladesh to understand the barriers that IPV victims face when seeking recourse. They explained that gender inequality, poverty, legal inequities, and corruption made it difficult for women to seek help. After a literature review, we found
that there have been no studies in India using qualitative methodologies to examine
attitudes about options available for physically abused women.
The primary aim of this study was to describe women’s and men’s attitudes regarding resources available for victims of physical IPV and to develop a model through
which their perceptions could be illustrated.2 This type of illustrative theory increases
the level of understanding about IPV in India and can be used by IPV prevention advocates for intervention design. We focused our study specifically on physical IPV perpetrated by a husband against his wife. We were also interested in comparing
community members’ perceptions of options to the actual resources available in the
area where this study took place. This study was unique in that it provided a comparative perspective of women and men, recruited participants from both rural and urban
areas, and was conducted in the northwest state of Rajasthan, an area where little
research on this topic has taken place.
Study Setting
This study was conducted in the Udaipur district in the northwest state of Rajasthan.
The Udaipur district, which includes the city of Udaipur as well as multiple surrounding villages, is in the southern portion of the state with a population of approximately 3.1 million. The languages spoken in the study region are Hindi and a dialect
of Hindi called Mewari. In terms of religion, the majority of people in the Udaipur
district identify as Hindu (90%); however, 9% identify as Muslim and 1% as another
religion (Government of India, Ministry of Home Affairs, 2011). The caste system,
a way that Hindus are grouped (traditionally based on family name and trade), is
practiced in the Udaipur district as well as many other parts of India (Charsley &
Karanth, 1998).3
This district is an important area in which to conduct research related to IPV, as
women’s low status in Rajasthan was reflected in both the 2011 Census of India and the
NFHS-3. For example, Rajasthan reported literacy rates of 53% for women compared
with 81% for men (Government of India, Ministry of Home Affairs, 2011). Sixty-four
4
Violence Against Women 
percent of women in Rajasthan were married on or before their 18th birthday (average
in India = 39.5%), and the percentage of women who have experienced physical IPV is
40.1%, compared with a national average of 30.4% (Kishor & Gupta, 2009).
We conducted this study in affiliation with Action Research and Training for Health
(ARTH), a nongovernmental organization (NGO) in the Udaipur district of Rajasthan
that focuses on improving reproductive and child health. ARTH has a field area that
encompasses 49 villages and the city of Udaipur and serves a population of more than
60,000. The organization operates one urban and three rural health centers as well as
small village-based centers where ARTH employees provide outreach and educational
services (ARTH, 2010). ARTH does not provide IPV-specific services, but ARTH
health care providers can make referrals to IPV-focused NGOs.
Method
We conducted semistructured interviews with two groups of individuals: (a) 56 women
and 52 men who resided in rural and urban areas of the Udaipur district (community
member sample) and (b) seven IPV experts (expert sample). We interviewed both
community members and experts to gain a comparative sense of perceived versus
actual options. We used interviewing as a data collection technique to encourage participants to talk freely about their opinions regarding the complex and sensitive issue
of physical IPV (Ulin, Robinson, & Tolley, 2005). We carefully followed ethical precautions throughout the data collection and analysis process in accordance with the
WHO’s ethical and safety recommendations for research on domestic violence against
women. In particular, we took the utmost care to maintain confidentiality, held training
sessions for the interpreters involved in the project, did not ask directly about personal
abuse histories, and had a system in place in case a participant disclosed abuse (WHO,
2001). Northwestern University’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) and ARTH’s ethics committee approved all components of the study.
Community Member Interviews
Preparation for data collection. We initially designed the interview guide based on past
literature. Before starting data collection, we pilot tested the guide with four women
(three rural, one urban) to ensure that the questions were culturally sensitive and easily
understood. After we completed about half of the women’s interviews, we designed
and pilot tested the interview guide for men. We utilizied this approach to use the
content and themes collected from the women’s interviews to frame and focus the
men’s interviews. The first author, who is of Indian origin but resides in the United
States, served as the sole interviewer. Two interpreters, fluent in English, Hindi, and
Mewari, assisted with recruitment and interviews; we used a female interpreter for
women’s interviews and a male for men’s interviews. Before participant recruitment,
we conducted an initial training session for the interpreters on important considerations when conducting IPV-related research, interviewing techniques, and effective
interpretation skills.
Ragavan et al.
5
Participant recruitment. Participants were recruited using stratified convenience sampling from one of two locations: (a) ARTH health centers or (b) villages during times
when ARTH employees were providing outreach or educational services. Using 2011
census data, we stratified the two samples (men and women) based on location of residence; 75% of the participants were recruited from villages and 25% from the city of
Udaipur (Government of India, Ministry of Home Affairs, 2011). To be part of this
study, participants had to be affiliated with ARTH (either as a patient or family member at a health center or as a resident in a village where ARTH provides outreach services), between the ages 18 and 60, and able to converse in Hindi or Mewari.
Participants were first approached by the interpreter and asked whether they would
like to be part of an interview. During this initial approach, the interpreter presented
the study to the participant in a generic fashion (experiences regarding life and marriage). If he or she agreed to participate, the participant, interpreter, and interviewer
went to a predetermined private space and the study was explained in more detail. This
two-step approach is in accordance with WHO guidelines (WHO, 2001). In addition,
to preserve confidentiality, we did not request any information from participants that
could divulge their identities (such as names or addresses).
Data collection. After recruitment, the interpreter verbally obtained consent from the
participant and then sought permission to audio-record the interview; all participants
gave their permission. We conducted the interview immediately after recruitment and
obtaining verbal consent. During the interview, the interviewer asked a question in
English, which was translated into Hindi or Mewari by the interpreter. The interpreter
then translated the participant’s answer into English. The interview itself was semistructured, and 30 and 45 minutes in length. We began with sociodemographic questions and later inquired about options available for victims of physical IPV. All
participants were asked what a woman should do if (a) her husband hits her once in a
while and (b) her husband hits her every day or without a reason. Subsets of participants were asked to share their beliefs on specific options such as the jati-panchayat
(the traditional, informal justice system), nata (customary remarriage), police, divorce,
and NGOs. We iteratively developed a list of options over the course of the interviews
and incorporated questions about newly identified options into later interviews. We
also asked participants about their views regarding when physical IPV is justified and
how it is defined; analyses of these topics can be found in Ragavan et al. (2014).
To help participants feel more comfortable discussing their opinions, we asked all
questions in a general rather than personal way (e.g., “What should a woman do if her
husband hits her?” as opposed to “What would you do if your husband hit you?”). If a
participant disclosed that she was a victim of IPV, we followed a predetermined protocol. We stopped the interview and found out more about the situation, including
whether any active abuse was occurring. We then offered the participant the option of
speaking to a healthcare provider at an ARTH health center, explaining that these individuals can provide medical support and referrals to IPV-specific services. If these
resources were declined, we ensured she was aware that she could come to an ARTH
health center at any time if she required assistance. If the participant was willing to
continue talking with us, we then restarted the interview.
6
Violence Against Women 
Data transcription and analysis. We used an adaptation of Brislin’s seven-step translation model as described by Lopez, Figueroa, Connor, and Maliski (2008) for transcription and translation. A trained trilingual translator conducted a verbatim transcription
and translation of the audio-recordings from Mewari or Hindi into English, writing
comments in the margins to explain her perspectives on the text. The first and second
authors then listened to each interview while reviewing the translation with the translator to ensure conceptual and linguistic equivalence. Disagreements about language
were discussed until consensus was reached.
Because the main aim of this study was to develop a model based on the data, we
used a grounded theory approach for our analysis. Grounded theory encourages
researchers to develop theories inductively and is a primary method for theory building,
rather than theory testing (Starks & Trinidad, 2007; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). After
completing 10 transcriptions, the first author uploaded the transcripts to the ATLAS.ti
software package and coded each one line by line (Muhr, 2004; Ulin et al., 2005). The
first and second authors then conducted a second round of more selective coding to
identify core themes and develop an evolving model (a pictorial depiction of our developing themes; see Figure 1). We also reexamined the interview guide to determine
whether changes were needed before the next round of data collection. This process
(data collection → coding → theme development → model refinement → interview
guide revision) was repeated after every 10 to 15 interviews until data saturation was
reached, and no new themes or concepts emerged (Guest, Bunce, & Johnson, 2006).
Because the interviews were conducted by a researcher of a different cultural background than the participants, we paid special attention to reflexivity (attending to the
context of knowledge construction and the effect of the researcher; Malterud, 2001).
Throughout our study, we discussed the emerging themes with ARTH employees and
the IPV experts and used their input to adjust our model and interview guide. In addition, during interviews, we shared some of our results with participants to determine
their perspectives of our analysis. We sought this feedback only after the formal interview was complete (this input was labeled separately in the transcripts) to ensure that
we did not bias the participants. Engaging a variety of individuals in our study helped
us maintain an iterative and inductive data analysis process.
Participant characteristics. Between October 2011 and February 2012, we recruited 56
women and 52 men for the community member portion of this study. The majority of
community members who we approached agreed to participate, but 8 refused outright
and 10 refused when we explained the study in detail. The average age for both women
and men was around 30, and the majority of participants were married. All participants
were Hindu but from multiple castes. Generally, the men reported higher education
levels and were more likely to be employed than the women. Table 1 provides details
on a variety of demographic characteristics of the community member participants.
Although we did not ask about personal histories of abuse, 12 of 56 women (21%)
reported during the interview that their husbands had physically abused them in the
past. No woman reported active violence at the time of the interview, requested immediate help, or wished to stop the interview.
7
Ragavan et al.
Table 1. Sociodemographic Characteristics of Community Member Participants.
Sociodemographic factor
Location of residence
Rural
Urban
Married
Mean age (years)
Castea
Scheduled Tribe
Scheduled Caste
Other Backward Caste
Other Castes
Education
No education
Passed 1st-5th grade
Passed 6th-10th grade
Passed 11th-12th grade
Graduated from college
Employed outside of the home
aSee
Women (n = 56)
Men (n = 52)
42 (75%)
14 (25%)
46 (82%)
29.7
39 (75%)
13 (25%)
46 (88%)
30.4
19 (34%)
9 (16%)
17 (30%)
11 (20%)
17 (33%)
10 (19%)
13 (25%)
12 (23%)
23 (41%)
13 (23%)
11 (20%)
4 (7%)
5 (9%)
17 (30%)
10 (19%)
5 (10%)
22 (42%)
9 (17%)
6 (12%)
35 (67%)
Note 3 for caste percentages for the Udaipur district.
Expert Interviews
Participants. Participants in this component of the study were seven IPV experts in
rural and urban areas of the Udaipur district. These participants included the manager
of an IPV shelter, three counselors who work at different NGOs providing IPVspecific services, a social worker who has been serving victims of IPV for 45 years, a
lawyer who is employed by a health services NGO, and a male police officer who
works at a police station that specifically serves women. These participants were
recruited using purposeful sampling as they represented different types of advocates
for abused women. We recruited and interviewed these experts over a 6-month period
during the community member data collection process.
Data collection. All expert professionals were phoned prior to the interview and briefed
on the study. The interviews were conducted in private locations, and we obtained
verbal consent at the outset. The first author conducted all interviews in English or
Hindi depending on the interviewee’s preference; an interpreter was present during the
Hindi interviews. The interviews were 30 to 60 min in length, semistructured, and
audio-recorded. They covered several content areas including the interviewee’s perceptions about options available for victims of physical IPV, his or her attitudes as to
whether IPV is a problem in southern Rajasthan, and specific information about the
organization for which he or she works. Interviews were then transcribed, coded, and
analyzed in the same manner as described above, using grounded theory.
8
Violence Against Women 
Results
We uncovered multiple options believed to be available for victims of physical IPV,
each of which became a major theme in our analysis. Nine major themes were identified including bearing abuse, samjhana (a Hindi word, which means to make someone
understand, in this case addressing the situation and attempting to modify the husband’s behavior), returning to the natal family, jati-panchayat, nata, suicide, the police,
divorce, and NGOs. Each one of these themes is examined below. Quotations used to
illustrate each option were selected to represent majority and minority opinions of
men, women, and experts.
Bearing Abuse
Participants described two specific situations where a victim of physical IPV should
not take action against her abuser: (a) if the violence occurs sporadically and (b) if the
woman has committed a perceived error that justifies physical IPV. All 108 participants thought a woman should not take action against an abusive husband if he is
physically violent occasionally rather than daily. A rural woman noted, “If a husband
hits once in a while, his wife must bear it. What is the sense of breaking the family?”
An urban man agreed: “If he hits rarely, the wife must compromise and continue to
live with him. She should not leave for this reason.”
We found that women and men in the Udaipur district justified physical IPV if a
woman made a perceived mistake, and explained that a woman should not take action
against her husband under these circumstances (described in detail in Ragavan et al.,
2014). A rural woman stated, “If it is her fault, then she will sit quietly and bear the
beating.” An urban man added that a victim of physical IPV should attempt to modify
her own behaviors, “She should bear it [physical IPV] if he is hitting for little mistakes
that she made. She should improve and tell her husband that from now on [she] will
not make these mistakes.” The social worker described how culturally ingrained this
particular belief is:
If women do not cook on time or if they talk to someone without [the husband’s]
permission, they think they have done something wrong and the only right thing is that
they are beaten. . . . Even when I worked with men, they said they thought it was a normal
part of their lives that if their wives did something wrong, they can hit.
Samjhana (Making Someone Understand)
Several participants (18/56, 32%women; 25/52, 48% men) from both urban and rural
communities stated that the first step a victim of physical IPV should take is to attempt
to alleviate the situation internally by talking to the husband and trying to make him
realize that his abusive behaviors have negative effects. They used the Hindi word samjhana to express this idea. This complex term means to cognitively explain something
or make someone understand, but it can also mean teaching someone or modifying his
or her behaviors. Samjhana can occur with the help of both the husband’s family and
Ragavan et al.
9
the woman’s natal family. A rural woman stated, “She should tell her brother and parents, and they should come and ask the husband why he is hitting her. Then they should
sit together with her husband’s family and decide how to solve the problem.” An urban
woman also emphasized the importance of samjhana but expressed a different perspective that it is primarily the responsibility of a woman to change her husband’s abusive
behaviors: “It is wrong for a husband to hit his wife, but it is the wife’s responsibility,
not the family’s, to make her husband understand and ask him to stop.”
A rural man who has a daughter explained that along with making an abusive husband understand, it is the duty of the family to ensure that the wife is made aware of
her mistakes. He described what a father should do if his daughter were to approach
him about an abusive husband:
The father first has to try to make the husband understand and say, “Don’t hit her, talk to
her instead.” If the husband keeps hitting, then the father has to call the husband’s family
and scare the husband. If the father finds that his daughter is at fault and there is a reason
why the husband is hitting, then he should tell his daughter not to repeat those mistakes.
Returning to the Natal Family
Another option given by participants (20/56, 36% women; 22/52, 42% men) from both
rural and urban communities is for a woman to leave her husband’s home and return to
her natal family. An urban man stated, “If he hits her repeatedly, then the wife returns to
her parents’ house and lives there for 4 to 6 months.” Another urban man expressed his
opinion that a woman returning to her natal family will encourage an abusive husband to
change his ways: “They should live separately [for] 1 to 3 months. When he has to make
the food and do all the cleaning himself, then he will understand and stop hitting.”
Nearly all of the participants who described returning to the natal family as an
option for a physically abused woman also thought that if her husband arrives to bring
her back to his house, then it is her duty to return with him. They explained that it
would be both economically infeasible and socially inappropriate for a woman to stay
with her natal family permanently. A rural woman said, “All we can do is go to our
natal families, but how can we live with them forever? You have to live in your husband’s home no matter what the situation is.” An urban woman agreed, noting that it
would be difficult for a poorer woman to stay with her natal family: “If the family is
rich, they can easily support the woman and she can stay with them, but if they are
poor, how will they support her? How will they give her food and clothes?”
Many women and men stated that if a woman returns to her husband’s home, she
can leave again if he continues his violent behavior. This cyclic pattern was seen as
preferable to a woman staying permanently with her natal family. A rural woman
noted, “If she returns to her husband’s home and is again beaten, she will then go back
to her natal family. She keeps going back and forth like this.” The manager of an IPV
shelter in Udaipur explained this same cyclic phenomenon occurs with women whose
husbands drink alcohol excessively: “Women come to the shelter, compromise occurs,
they go back [to the husband’s home], and then the alcohol and beatings start again so
they come back to the shelter.”
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Violence Against Women 
Jati-Panchayat
The jati-panchayat is a traditional, informal justice system in the region where this
study took place.4 Individual members are known as jati-panch; jati-panch are not
elected and must be distinguished from the government panchayat (the local government system of India). A rural man described the jati-panchayat in this way: “Elderly
men gather together and make decisions about problems in the village.” A counselor
noted that only men are allowed to be members of the jati-panchayat: “Jati-panch are
just men. In the past, women could not come to the meetings of the jati-panchayat.
Now they can attend, but they will not speak very much.” Participants explained that
the jati-panchayat is more ubiquitous and powerful in rural areas than in the city. An
urban man stated, “The jati-panchayat is present mainly in the villages. In villages,
jati-panch have the power to exile community members, but this does not happen in
cities.”
Twenty women and 25 men (primarily rural residents) discussed their opinions on
the jati-panchayat. The majority stressed the important role that this institution plays
in the community. A rural man explained, “Most families go to the jati-panchayat
when they have problems. Even when there is a police station nearby, nobody goes
there. The jati-panchayat will make the correct decision.” The majority of men (20/25,
80%) and a minority of women (8/20, 40%) thought the jati-panchayat could use its
influence to assist victims of physical IPV in the following ways: (a) giving a couple
marital advice, (b) socially stigmatizing or fining an abusive husband, (c) sending a
woman back to her natal family temporarily, or, as a last resort, (d) exiling an abusive
husband from the village and allowing the couple to permanently separate. A rural
woman noted, “Jati-panch warn the husband that he should not give trouble and tell
the wife where she should go.” A rural man concurred, explaining, “When jati-panch
talk to a man who hits his wife, they say, ‘Don’t drink. Don’t hit!’ They put pressure
on the man to improve.”
An elderly man who has been serving as a member of the jati-panchayat for the past
30 years discussed how he would approach a victim of physical IPV:
I will listen to the husband and wife and then I will decide who is right and who is wrong.
I will make the husband understand that if he continues [to hit] then the fighting will get
worse. In the worst-case situation, I will exile him from the village. . . . If the wife made
a mistake, I will warn her that this should not happen again because a husband is God. If
the wife is wrong, the husband should hit her.
Several community members (primarily women) and IPV experts described their
frustration with the jati-panchayat, explaining the system does not provide effective
justice for victims of physical IPV. A rural woman noted, “Jati-panch do not care
because they think IPV is a family matter. They will never come to a man’s home and
ask him why he is hitting his wife.” The lawyer agreed, stating her belief that members
of the jati-panchayat do not attempt to empower women: “The jati-panchayat is maledominated and [its members] are not concerned with women or problems that women
have. A lot of times the women are not listened to and are told they should silently
Ragavan et al.
11
tolerate the violence.” A counselor explained her perspective on how the jati-panchayat impedes her ability to advocate for women: “Many times a woman comes and
files a report, [but] when we try to take action she tells us, ‘The jati-panchayat has
solved my problem so I do not want your help anymore.’”
Nata
Nata is a regional and cultural phenomenon similar to remarriage and is performed
either through the jati-panchayat system or between families.5 Whether nata is permitted is dependent on caste; however, the practice occurs in both rural and urban communities. We discussed nata with 30 women and 37 men who lived in both rural and
urban areas and represented multiple castes. An urban woman (whose caste permits
nata) explained how she defines the practice: “If a woman is separated from her husband and she likes another man, then she can go for nata and live with the other man.
Nata is like a remarriage but not completely.” Nata can also be initiated by the husband; occasionally, a man may have two wives living in the same house—his first wife
whom he married through a traditional ceremony and the wife he brought in through
nata. Included with nata is a transfer of money called jhagada. A rural man (whose
caste permits nata) stated, “The second husband gives the first husband money and
then the woman can go for nata. The jati-panch may also receive money.”
Participants explained that in castes where nata is permitted, victims of physical
IPV pursue nata as a way to leave abusive marriages. A rural woman noted that nata is
a right available to women in her caste: “If a couple does not understand and love each
other, then the wife can go for nata.” However, several participants disagreed, explaining that a victim of physical IPV should only go for nata if she feels she has no remaining options and has exhausted other resources. The Hindi word majboori (which
means a state of helplessness, or when a person considers herself to be without options)
was used frequently when discussing nata. A rural man (whose caste permits nata)
explained, “If it is her majboori and her husband hits her every day, does not give her
food, does not give her money or clothes, [and] will not change his behaviors, then for
these reasons she will go [for nata].” A rural man (whose caste prohibits nata) felt similarly: “A good wife, a loyal wife only gets married once but if the situation is unbearable and her caste allows it, then she must do nata.”
Although nata is permitted in several castes, many participants (particularly women)
indicated that going for nata can have negative repercussions for women. A rural woman
(whose caste permits nata) explained the man a woman marries through nata could be
crueler to her than her first husband was: “Whomever I do nata with will not give me
happiness. He could give me trouble and a lot of times I see this happen. The second
husband will be worse than the first.” Another rural woman from the same caste cited
the transfer of money associated with nata (jhagada) as an impetus for abuse:
Men say, “Oh I paid money for you so I can do what I want.” There is no guarantee the
second husband will be better than the first, and she may have to bear his beatings. It is
better to just live with the first husband and adjust accordingly.
12
Violence Against Women 
An urban man added that the community would sometimes ostracize a woman who
pursued nata. He explained that although nata is permitted in his caste, the practice is
not always well regarded: “I think nata is a bad thing. What will people think about
this? People make jokes about a woman who does nata; they will say she is not a good
woman.”
Suicide
Committing suicide was described by some participants (10/56, 18% women; 2/52, 4%
men, all from rural communities) as a rare but practiced alternative for women suffering
from frequent physical IPV who felt they had no other recourse. These participants
stressed that they did not believe women should commit suicide because of physical
IPV, but rather that they have heard of or seen this. A young rural woman shared a story
she remembered from her childhood: “I had a neighbor who committed suicide [by
jumping into] a well. She was being hit and tortured by her husband. He told her that
she could not tell anyone. So to stop the torture she committed suicide.” A rural man
explained that suicide is an option used by physically abused women to protect their
reputations: “Women will not get a divorce. They would rather commit suicide. If a
woman belongs to a reputable family then as a last option she will commit suicide.”
The Police
Multiple participants (18/36, 50% women; 8/24, 33% men) asserted that victims of
physical IPV should not seek help from the police, explaining that police officers
would not support or assist a woman suffering from physical abuse. A rural woman
expressed her belief that the police do not play an active role in stopping the violence:
“The police cannot help. They think it [physical IPV] is a family matter and that they
should not get involved.” A rural man agreed, stating, “The police come and try to
make the husband understand (samjhana) that he should not hit, but then they leave
and tell the couple, ‘Now you do whatever you want.’ They do not bother with these
things [physical IPV].” An urban man added that instead of punishing an abusive husband, the police would advise his wife to modify her own behavior:
I heard that in this situation, the police officer talks to the couple to determine the reason
for the fighting. The husband describes the mistakes that his wife has made; like that she
does not cook food well. The police officer then tells the wife to not repeat her mistakes.
Furthermore, a few rural women thought the police would not be helpful unless they
were provided payment. One woman noted, “My community is poor so we cannot use
the police. If we go to the police, then it is important to have money; otherwise, they
will not help.”
In addition, several rural women explained that women in their communities are
afraid of the police both because utilizing the police is considered socially stigmatizing
and because they have had limited interaction with police officers. A rural woman
stated, “The women in the villages think that if they go to the police then it will appear
Ragavan et al.
13
in the newspaper. They are worried about ruining their reputations.” Another rural
woman described how her fear of the police is related to her unfamiliarity with governmental institutions: “I am scared of the police so I never go to them. I am scared because
I have never seen them before and do not know anything about them.” A counselor
agreed, adding, “Women fear the police because they see them arrest people and think
that if they complain [about an abusive husband], the police will arrest them, too.”
Though many participants felt the police could be helpful, most were adamant that
a victim of physical IPV should involve the police only after other alternatives had
been exhausted. A rural woman stated, “I would not want to go to the police unless I
have tried several times to make my husband understand and his behavior becomes
worse.” A rural man described that the police should be used only if the jati-panch
were unable to stop the violence: “In our community, a woman must first go to the
jati-panchayat; whatever [punishment] happens will first happen there. Then, if her
husband does not stop hitting, she can go to the police.”
Five women (all urban and educated) and three men (all rural and educated) advocated the minority viewpoint that involving the police is the first action a victim of
physical IPV should take.6 One of these women noted, “If he is hitting her daily, she
should go to the police directly and fill out a report.” Another, who was separated from
a physically abusive husband, shared her personal experience: “The police station I
went to in the [the city of] Udaipur was just for women and they were very helpful.”
One IPV expert, an officer who works at a women’s police station, explained the value
of this institution:
If a woman needs to file a complaint, she may feel shy speaking in front of men. Here,
there are several female police officers who specifically help women with whatever their
wishes are. That is why a women’s police station is beneficial.
Divorce
We spoke with 26 men and 29 women regarding their opinions about court-sanctioned
divorce as a possible recourse for women experiencing physical IPV. The majority
(17/29, 59% women; 14/26, 54% men) indicated that divorce is not a viable option,
explaining that it is unavailable, socially stigmatizing, and economically infeasible.
Although divorce through the court system is legal in India, we found that it is seldom
obtained, particularly in rural communities. Rather, it is culturally preferred to pursue
nata or seek a customary separation through the jati-panchayat. An urban man stated,
“Only in the cities does divorce happen through the court system. In the villages, they
[a husband and wife] go to the jati-panchayat and get permission to live separately, but
they do not get an official divorce.” Obtaining a divorce was also seen as damaging to
a woman’s reputation. A rural woman explained,
[If a woman gets a divorce] they [her family, the community] will think badly of her.
They will think she had an affair or did something wrong and for those reasons she asked
for a divorce. Even if her husband made a mistake and she did nothing wrong, the whole
community will still think that the woman is wrong.
14
Violence Against Women 
A few participants emphasized that a woman must have familial and financial support before she can ask for a divorce. A young rural woman who was separated from
her husband because of physical abuse shared her story:
I would like a divorce from my husband [but] he will not allow it. My mother does not
give me any support and my father will not talk to me because I left my husband’s home
and I want to leave my husband permanently. So how can I take a divorce?
The lawyer agreed, adding her belief that economic barriers force women to stay married to their abusive husbands: “In my experience, abused women are afraid to divorce
their husbands because they are not financially independent. Many women depend on
their husbands so [after divorce] where will they go and who will take care of them?”
Participants who thought that divorce was an acceptable option for IPV victims
generally felt that a woman should pursue a divorce only if the violence is extreme. As
with nata, the Hindi word majboori (no other options or helplessness) was used to
describe when a woman can ask for a divorce. A rural woman explained, “If it is her
majboori . . . if her husband is hitting her every day, cannot provide food, and does not
want to live with her, then she can ask for a divorce.” A rural man agreed, “For small
things separation will not happen, but if it is a very serious matter then this [divorce]
happens.” Four educated urban participants (two men and two women) disagreed, stating the minority position that filing for divorce should be the first action a woman
takes. An urban man noted, “In this situation [physical IPV], she should get a divorce.
A divorce can be taken in every community. You go to court for a divorce.”
NGOs
Though many participants were familiar with NGOs based in the villages, the majority
did not believe that NGOs are helpful resources for abused women. A rural woman
stated, “Some organizations are good, they give medicine to the villagers, but I do not
know about one that helps abused women. They cannot help; a woman should go to
her family instead.” One woman and two men (all of whom were educated and resided
in the city) cited NGOs as possible resources for physically abused women, but only
one was able to name a specific NGO in Udaipur that provides services to victims of
IPV.
Although the majority of participants did not know about available resources,
Udaipur has a few centers for women suffering from physical IPV. One NGO has an
IPV shelter and counseling center and also conducts IPV-related advocacy work in the
community. The manager of the shelter said, “We have capacity for 30 women and
their children to stay for up to 3 years. We do counseling work and either help reconcile a husband and wife or help the wife obtain a divorce.” She then described the
challenges women face after leaving the shelter:
Women will first try to resettle with their husbands, or they start living alone or with their
natal families. But they really do not like living alone. This may be due to cultural factors,
a lack of confidence, or a lack of economic security.
Ragavan et al.
15
Udaipur also has a police station specifically for women with an adjoining counseling and legal advocacy center. A counselor from the center stated, “Our mission is to
give relief to abused women. If a woman wants to live with her husband, that is OK.
If she wants a divorce, that is also OK.” She went on to note how challenging it is to
make rural communities aware of the services her organization provides: “There are
many villages that are not accessible by vehicles and others where the buses come
infrequently. Networking in the villages is not easy.” Another NGO runs a communitybased court for women in a rural part of the Udaipur district called Rajsamand. A
counselor who works for this NGO explained,
If a woman says that violence is occurring in her home, her husband is called to the court
and is required to explain his actions and partake in counseling. If the man refuses, we
help the woman fill out a police report. We have a good relationship with the police.
Figure 1. Pictorial depiction of perceived options available for victims of physical IPV in the
Udaipur district.
Note. NGOs are displayed separately because although they exist in Udaipur, they were rarely described
as available resources for victims of abuse. Please note that this figure is meant to be a general synthesis
of participants’ perceptions rather than an exhaustive depiction of all help-seeking behaviors. In addition,
this figure uses a cyclical paradigm, assuming that violence will be reinitiated if a women returns to her
husband’s home. IPV = intimate partner violence; NGO = nongovernmental organization.
16
Violence Against Women 
Discussion
Using grounded theory, we sought to better understand perceptions regarding the variety of options available to victims of physical IPV in the Udaipur district of northwest
India. In general, we found that women make decisions regarding physical IPV by
considering social appropriateness, feasibility, and input from key individuals such as
the natal family and jati-panchayat. Feasibility spanned economic, logistic, and infrastructure-related barriers. Participants placed a strong emphasis on the social appropriateness of help-seeking behaviors as well as the importance of resolving physical IPV
within the family. These findings are consistent with past research (Ahmed-Ghosh,
2004; Krishnan, 2005; Panchanadeswaran & Koverola, 2005; Tichy et al., 2009;
Visaria, 2008). In addition, we discovered that the options participants found acceptable are often dictated by the belief that a wife should be subservient to her husband
and mindful of her role as part of the family. For example, many participants indicated
that a woman should modify her own behavior to stop physical abuse and should be
wary of options such as divorce that could lead to social stigmatization. In general, a
victim’s ability to seek help is seen as contingent on her family’s and community’s
perceptions rather than her own choices.
We uncovered a pattern of perceived help-seeking or coping behaviors (described
pictorially in Figure 1). It was often viewed as appropriate for a woman to modify her
own behaviors and not take action against an abusive husband, especially in cases
when the husband hits occasionally or the physical violence is considered justified.
Another perceived recourse was for the woman, her in-laws, or her natal family to try
to make the husband understand (samjhana) that his actions had negative effects. If the
beatings persist, then the woman can return to her natal home until her husband comes
for her. At that point, she generally will go back to her husband’s home, leaving again
if the violence continues. If the woman feels that the physical IPV is no longer bearable, she is first expected to access traditional resources such as requesting assistance
from jati-panch or going for nata. Only after these options are exhausted, is it deemed
appropriate to involve the police. Court-sanctioned divorce, although legal under
Indian law, was infrequently described as a viable option, and NGOs were seldom
utilized or even known to exist (Rastogi & Therly, 2006). Suicide was considered by
some participants as an unfortunate but real way that victims of physical IPV escape
recurring violence.
Although attitudes regarding help-seeking behaviors were similar among participants, we uncovered a few patterns related to gender, location of residence, and education. Men were more likely to think that the various options discussed were feasible
(especially the jati-panchayat and police), however women were more likely to
describe how victims of physical IPV commit suicide. This points to a general sentiment among female participants that there are few realistic ways for women to escape
physically abusive marriages. Rural and urban participants had similar perspectives,
but those residing in rural communities were more likely to believe that a victim of
physical IPV should seek help from traditional institutions such as the jati-panchayat,
rather than involving formal authorities. In addition, all participants who described
Ragavan et al.
17
suicide as an option lived in villages. These patterns highlight the strength of the jatipanchayat and the importance of customs in rural communities as well as the lack of
feasible alternatives for victims of physical IPV in rural areas. Finally, we found that
the few individuals who thought that physically abused women should immediately
utilize the police, courts, or NGOs were all more educated than the average participant. This suggests that education not only increases awareness about the gravity of
physical IPV but may also help empower victims to seek assistance from governmental and nongovernmental resources.
Participants in this study explained that a woman’s natal family can be used both as
a support system and as a place of refuge. Garcia-Moreno et al. (2005) corroborated
this finding by reporting that in the WHO’s multicountry study, 28% to 63% of physically abused women talked to family members about the violence and 19% to 51% left
their husband’s home for at least one night. However, though a victim of physical IPV
may be offered temporary support by her natal family, she will eventually return to her
husband’s home, only to go back to her natal family if her husband reinitiates the violence. The Walker Cycle Theory of Violence in an intimate relationship is described as
a three-phase cyclical phenomenon: (a) a gradual escalation of tension in the relationship, (b) an acute battering incident, and (c) a de-escalation of tension when an abuser,
in some circumstances, may apologize for his behavior. After a period of time, however, the relationship becomes tense again, and the abuse is reinitiated (Walker, 2009).
It seems that a similar cycle exists for women in these communities, with the added
component of women utilizing their natal families after an acute abusive episode and
later returning to their husbands’ homes. Further research should be done to understand how the cycle of violence theory applies in the Indian context.
The jati-panchayat has been described as a traditional, informal, and powerful judicial system that makes decisions about marriage in the rural communities of northern
India (Chowdhry, 2004). However, the relationship between the jati-panchayat and
IPV has not been directly studied in past work. Many participants, especially women,
explained that the jati-panchayat is a patriarchal establishment that tells women what
to do rather than empowering them. Regardless, the jati-panchayat is perceived to be
both more accessible and socially acceptable than the police, courts, or NGOs.
Therefore, an apparent contradiction exists between the theoretical versus actual utility of the jati-panchayat in assisting victims of physical IPV. Considering the heavy
emphasis placed on social norms related to help-seeking behaviors, it is not surprising
that such a contradiction exists.
Nata (customary remarriage) was similarly described as a theoretically accepted
but practically complex recourse available for victims of physical IPV. Grover (2011)
analyzed divorce and remarriage in the city of New Delhi, noting that many remarriages, especially in poorer communities, are “prompted by unsatisfactory and forced
primary marriages” (p. 78). However, nata specifically has not been well studied in
past literature. Our research suggests that although nata is permitted in several castes
and is used by women to leave abusive marriages, participants did not have a good
impression of the practice, often citing it as an option to be pursued only if all other
alternatives have failed (majboori). In addition, we found that the money transferred
18
Violence Against Women 
during nata goes to a woman’s first husband and the jati-panchayat, suggesting the
buying and selling of a woman. Therefore, although nata is a feasible and socially
condoned option on the surface, on deeper levels, it is fraught with complications,
including the possibility that it may actually perpetuate IPV.
Participants expressed their belief that victims of physical IPV are less likely to
access governmental and nongovernmental resources compared with traditional alternatives such as the jati-panchayat. They explained that women are not able to fully
utilize the IPV-specific NGOs in the city of Udaipur because of a lack of awareness
that such NGOs exist and inadequate infrastructure making it difficult for rural women
to travel to the city. Like Panchanadeswaran and Koverola (2005), we discovered that
the option of using governmental resources was known but stigmatized, largely
because the act of speaking against one’s husband is seen as damaging to a woman’s
reputation. Women are also reluctant to involve the police or courts because of the
perception of economic barriers and the fear that these institutions will not be supportive. Community acceptance of traditional options despite their practical complexities,
lack of awareness about NGOs, and fear of the social condemnation associated with
NGOs make it difficult for victims of physical IPV to utilize resources available in
their communities. This has created a discrepancy between perceived and actual
options available for abused women, possibly contributing to women’s inaction in the
face of physical IPV.
Study Limitations
Our study had certain limitations, some of which provide a foundation for future
research. Despite our best efforts to translate the interviews accurately, problems with
the transcription and translation process might have occurred, especially with specific
words that do not easily translate from Mewari or Hindi to English. To mitigate this,
we followed a translation and data analysis process that allowed for discussion about
these topics to ensure that multiple people agreed on the validity of emerging themes.
It is also possible that participants were not stating their beliefs, but rather what they
thought were socially desirable answers. This is more likely for the men’s interviews
as the interviewer is a woman. We tried to minimize this by involving participants in
the process of data analysis and by using gender-specific interpreters.
India is a diverse country; therefore, one should be cautious about generalizing
these results to regions outside of Rajasthan, especially because participants were
recruited utilizing convenience sampling from areas affiliated with an NGO. We suggest that future researchers determine whether the model we developed can be replicated in other parts of India. In this study, we focused primarily on physical violence
perpetrated by a husband against his wife. Follow-up work should be done to examine
perceptions of options available to victims of other types of spousal abuse (such as
psychological, sexual, or financial), as this would provide a more complete picture of
IPV in India. Finally, it was beyond the scope of this article to examine options available for male victims of IPV or attitudes regarding the specific laws that have been
enacted to protect victims of IPV. Such data would complement the results of our study
and provide a framework for continued in-depth inquiry into IPV in India.
Ragavan et al.
19
Recommendations for IPV Prevention Initiatives
We believe that our results lay the foundation for IPV prevention intervention design
applicable to both the Udaipur district and the state of Rajasthan. In developing these
intervention ideas, we kept in mind the tenets of feasibility, social acceptance, and key
stakeholders (e.g., the family, the jati-panchayat). We suggest a multipronged approach
that emphasizes both IPV education for the general population and interventions for
women and children affected by IPV. Our goal is to encourage the development of
empowerment-focused initiatives to bridge the gap between perceived and actual
resources.
Education and awareness about IPV. Initiatives that promote gender equality and spread
awareness about IPV are central to this effort. We suggest that IPV education for
women be associated with financial empowerment programs. Pronyk et al. (2006)
described an program in South Africa called Intervention with Microfinance for AIDS
and Gender Equity (IMAGE), which combines microfinance (loans provided to lowincome women using a group lending model) with a violence prevention and gender
equality curriculum. They found that this intervention reduced women’s reported
experiences of IPV by 55% and that women who participated in the program had more
progressive attitudes toward gender violence than nonparticipant controls. Weaving
gender equality and IPV prevention sessions into microfinance programs in Rajasthan
could increase awareness about IPV prevention, spread knowledge about resources
available for IPV victims, and empower women to earn their own incomes, hopefully
reducing the economic barriers victims of IPV face when seeking recourse. Through
this program, we could identify key women who would serve as leaders in the community and train others on these issues.
Based on our results, we also believe IPV education should target male and female
adolescents before they get married, as well as their parents. Nair et al. (2012) described
the development and implementation of teen centers in southern India where youth
attend health education and career development sessions, receive medical care, and
have the opportunity to build relationships with other teens. These centers could be
implemented in Rajasthan with a special emphasis on preventing IPV, discussing gender equality, and promoting empowerment. In addition, offering IPV education to parents could be instrumental because, as our results indicated, victims of physical IPV
seek advice and refuge from their natal families. If parents are sensitized to the harms
of IPV and made aware of available resources, they may be more likely to recommend
that their daughters seek help.
In general, participants thought that seeking assistance from the police is both
socially prohibited and infeasible. Therefore, a police-specific intervention should
focus on education about the laws and penalties surrounding IPV and should emphasize that IPV is a crime, not “just a matter of the home” (Harvey, Garcia-Moreno, &
Butchart, 2007). Programming should also try to teach officers how to better relate
with victims of IPV, alleviating the frustration and fear that women, particularly rural
women, have toward the police. Women expressed how limited interaction with the
20
Violence Against Women 
police fueled their fear of this institution, so it may be beneficial to develop meetings
between women and the police in Rajasthan, using counselors as facilitators.
Interventions for victims of IPV. In developing interventions for victims of IPV, multiple
approaches are necessary. Counseling should focus on joint sessions with a victim of
abuse and her child, an approach described by Stover, Meadows, and Kaufman (2009)
as promising in its effectiveness. Past research has shown that witnessing IPV can
influence the way that children view future relationships; therefore, early counseling
for children may help break the generational cycle of violence (Dalal et al., 2012;
Martin et al., 2002; Visaria, 2008). In addition, more funding and focus should be dedicated to developing multifaceted IPV resource centers in rural communities, which
could provide shelter, job training, counseling, and legal advocacy. Having accessible
centers in rural areas may help end the cyclic phenomenon of a woman traveling
between her husband’s and natal family’s homes to escape violence. These centers
would also provide a much-needed option for women whose situations are so dire that
they are contemplating suicide.
Magar (2003) described a Delhi-based intervention called the mahila panchayat
(woman’s court), which is an informal court specifically addressing gender-based violence including IPV. It is run as a joint partnership between an NGO and women in the
community. This court system not only demands justice for victims but also challenges
the attitude that men have the right to abuse their wives. The rural Rajsamand court uses
a similar model in the Udaipur district. These courts could be expanded throughout
Rajasthan as a joint partnership among women’s police stations, NGOs, and women in
the community. The mahila-panchayats could have individuals who specialize in the
complexities associated with nata, as the practice is such a pervasive phenomenon in the
region. Such a court system would maintain traditional, community-based approaches
while providing culturally sensitive and empowerment-focused services for women.
Conclusion
This study was one of the first qualitative examinations of women’s and men’s attitudes about options available for victims of physical IPV in northern India. Through
interviews with community members and IPV experts, we found that victims of physical IPV make decisions about help-seeking behaviors by considering societal norms,
feasibility, and input from key community members. We also found that there is a
pronounced discrepancy between the perceived and actual options available for physically abused women. This research not only contributes to the information available
about IPV victims’ help-seeking behaviors but also provides recommendations for the
development of sustainable and feasible IPV prevention initiatives in Rajasthan.
Acknowledgments
We thank Anne Hill for her mentorship and careful review of this article. We also thank Pushpa
Paliwal, Ramesh Paliwal, and Saraswati Sharma for their incredible work as interpreters and
Ragavan et al.
21
translators. Finally, we thank Dr. Daniel Perlman and Dr. Madelyn Iris for their assistance and
support.
Authors’ Note
Portions of this article were presented at the 2012 Qualitative Health Research Conference in
Montreal, Canada. Components of this article were also included in Maya Ragavan’s master’s
of public health (MPH) thesis.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article: We received funding for this study through a Fulbright-Nehru
Student Research grant (Grant Number 2011/ST/59).
Notes
1. Multiple terms are used to describe the phenomenon of violence in an intimate relationship, including intimate partner violence (IPV), domestic violence, gender-based violence,
and violence against women. We chose the phrase physical IPV because it most effectively
describes what we were trying to explore. Although IPV can also refer to acts perpetrated
by a nonspouse intimate partner, in this article, we strictly focused on physical IPV in the
marital relationship (Campbell, 2002; Heise, Ellsberg, & Gottemoeller, 1999).
2. Because we are using the paradigm of men perpetrating physical IPV against their wives,
when we use the phrase “victim of physical IPV,” we more specifically are referring to a
female victim of physical IPV.
3. The Indian government divides castes into the four categories: Scheduled Castes (SC),
Scheduled Tribes (ST), Other Backward Castes (OBC), and Other Castes. (Government of
India, Ministry of Home Affairs, 2011).
4. The jati-panchayat system has other names (such as khap-panchayat), depending on the
region of India (Chowdhry, 2004).
5. Nata (also called nata pratha) is a remarriage system that occurs primarily in the state of
Rajasthan. It is defined by Bhat, Sen, and Pradhan (2005) as a customary right where a
woman can “give up her marriage and associate with another man” (p. 14). A woman can
also pursue nata if she has been widowed or abandoned by her husband. Mathur (2004)
wrote that nata is generally permitted in Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and several
Other Backward Castes. She goes on to say that when a man marries a woman through
nata, he pays a sum of money to the former husband; the amount is settled by the jatipanchayat or between families. She describes that from the perspective of the community,
“the status of a woman going into nata is never equal to that of a married woman” (Mathur,
2004, p. 77), a finding consistent with the results of our study. It is beyond the scope of
this article to address all the complexities associated with nata, and follow-up work should
continue to study this practice and its relationship to IPV.
6. When we refer to a participant as “educated,” we mean that the man or woman has graduated from eighth grade or higher.
22
Violence Against Women 
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Author Biographies
Maya Ragavan is a graduate of the Northwestern University, Feinberg School of Medicine in
Chicago, IL, where she pursued a dual MD/MPH degree. She received her BA in psychology
and global health from Northwestern University in 2007. In 2011-2012, she served as a
Fulbright-Nehru student research fellow in Udaipur, India, where she conducted the data collection for this article. She is now a second year pediatric resident at Lucile Packard Children’s
Hospital/Stanford University.
Kirti Iyengar, MD, is an obstetrician and public health professional working on reproductive
health issues at the nongovernmental organization, Action Research and Training for Health, in
Udaipur, India. Her work has focused on reducing maternal mortality and morbidity as well as
on expanding reproductive choice through community-based approaches. She is also adjunct
faculty at the Duke University Sanford School of Public Policy in Durham, NC.
Rebecca Wurtz, MD/MPH, is an internist and public health physician. A graduate of Yale
College and Harvard Medical School, she is currently an Associate Professor in the Division of
Health Policy and Management at the University of Minnesota School of Public Health. She
previously served as the president of the Chicago Board of Health and the deputy medical director of the Illinois Department of Public Health.