Volume 1: Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Summary Volume 2: Qualitative Formative Research Findings DG Khan District, Punjab Volume 3: Qualitative Formative Research Findings Khanewal District, Punjab Volume 4: Qualitative Formative Research Findings Rawalpindi District, Punjab Volume 5: Qualitative Formative Research Findings Buner District, NWFP Volume 6: Qualitative Formative Research Findings Jafferabad District, Balochistan Volume 7: Qualitative Formative Research Findings Sukkur District, Sindh Volume 8: Qualitative Formative Research Findings Dadu District, Sindh Volume 9: Qualitative Formative Research Findings Study II Volume-5 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner July 2006 PAIMAN project is funded by the United States Agency for International Development and implemented by JSI Research & Training Institute Inc. in conjunction with Aga Khan University, PAVHNA, Contech International, Save the Children US, Population Council, Johns Hopkins University/CCP, and Greenstar Social Marketing. SUNRISE DIGITAL 051-2278515 Center for Communication Programs The Pakistan Initiative for Mothers and Newborns (PAIMAN) is a five-year United States Agency for International Development (USAID) funded project designed to reduce country's maternal and neonatal mortality by making sure women have access to skilled birth attendants during childbirth and through out the postpartum period. PAIMAN works at national, provincial and district levels to strengthen the capacity of public and private health care providers and improve health care system infrastructure. The PAIMAN Program is jointly implemented by John Snow Inc (JSI), the Johns Hopkins Center for Communication programs (JHU/CCP), Agha Khan University, Contech International, Greenstar Social Marketing, Population Council and Pakistan Voluntary Health and Nutrition Association (PAVHNA) . Copyright © 2006 by JHU/CCP. All rights reserved. Published by: PAIMAN House 6, Street 5, F-8/3, Islamabad, Pakistan. Author: Dr. Arjumand Faisel Arjumand and Associates Editor: Daniela Lewy Cover Design, Layout & Printed: Sunrise Digital, Islamabad, Pakistan. Inquiries should be directed to: Fayyaz Ahmed Khan Team Leader BCC Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health Center for Communication Programs PAIMAN Office House 6, Street 5 F-8/3, Islamabad, Pakistan E-mail: Fayyaz@jsi.org.pk Suruchi Sood, Ph.D. Senior Program Evaluation Officer Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health Center for Communication Programs 111 Market Place Suite # 310 Baltimore, MD 21202 E-mail: ssood@jhuccp.org Disclaimer: This study/report is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of JSI Research & Training Institute, Inc. and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. contents 5.1. District profile 6 5.2. Participants Characteristics 5.3. Current Maternal Health Seeking Behaviors and the Key Factors that Facilitate or Hinder Health Seeking Practices 5.3.1 Recognition of and reaction to pregnancy 5.3.2 Health seeking behavior adopted at home 5.3.3 Perception of required health services in pregnancy, delivery and postpartum 5.3.4 Availability of services to women and their utilization 5.3.5 Health seeking from skilled providers during current/last pregnancy, last delivery and last postpartum 5.3.6 Knowledge about life threatening complications 5.3.7 Actions taken during obstetric emergency 5.3.8 Assistance of husbands, family members, health care providers and community in emergency situations 5.3.9 Conclusions 7 5.4. Current Health Seeking Behavior for Newborns and the Key Factors that Facilitate or Hinder these Health Seeking Practices 5.4.1 Perception of required health services for newborn 5.4.2 Availability of services for newborn and their utilization 5.4.3 Steps to ensure health of the newborn 5.4.4 Knowledge about life threatening complication in newborn 5.4.5 Actions taken for threat to life of newborn 5.4.6 Conclusions 5.5. Current Birth Preparedness and Complications Readiness Behaviors and the Key Facilitating and Hindering Factors 5.5.1 Preparations made for birth by woman, husband and family members 5.5.2 Hindrances in BPCR 5.5.3 Conclusions 5.6. Religious and Cultural Practices Surrounding Maternal and Neonatal Health 5.6.1 Religious/Cultural ceremonies 5.6.2 Preferred and forbidden food items for breastfeeding mothers 5.6.3 Precautions taken during postpartum to ensure safety of mother and newborn 5.6.4 Feeding of newborn 5.6.5 Bathing patterns 5.6.6 Presence and effects of Nazar (evil-eye) Conclusions 7 8 10 13 15 18 19 21 22 24 26 26 26 27 28 28 29 29 29 33 34 35 35 38 39 41 42 42 43 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Arjumand and Associates (Management Team) Dr. Arjumand Faisel Dr. Narjis Rizvi Dr. Naveed-I-Rahat Wasiq Mehmood Khan Sabeena Kausar Satti Dr. Fauzia Waqar Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health (Baltimore) Dr. Suruchi Sood Anne Palmer Dr. Corinne Shefner-Rogers Daniela Lewy Margaret Edwards Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health (Pakistan) Fayyaz Ahmed Khan Dr. Zaeem Ul Haq Shereen Rahmat Minhas John Snow Inc. Dr. Theo Lippiveld Dr. Nabeela Ali Dr. Tahir Nadeem Dr. Nuzhat Rafique Dr. Iftikhar Mallah Dr. Syed Hassan Mehdi Zaidi Local Government Health Department Staff EDO Health, District Coordinator LHW Program LHWs National Program for Family Planning and Primary Health Care Dr. Haroon Jahangir Khan A special thank you for all the individuals who graciously participated in this formative research Study 1: From Pregnancy to Newborn Care: Health Seeking, Birth Preparedness/Complication Readiness, Religious and Cultural Practices Report - Study 1 (Volume 5) Findings: Buner, NWFP In-depth Interviews (IDIs) with Married Women, Husbands and Family Members 04 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner 5. Findings District Buner (NWFP) 5.1 District Profile Buner, a district of North Western Frontier Province (NWFP) is situated in the northern part of the Pakistan. It is an agriculture area with almost no industry. According to 1998 Census, the population of the district was 506,048 with 50% males and 50% females and an annual growth rate of 3.86%. Population density was 271 persons per square kilometre with 100% population being 1 designated as rural. For administrative purposes, the district has been divided into 6 Tehsils i.e. Dagar, Gadezai, Chagherzai, Gagra, Chamla and Totlai. The medical coverage provided by the Health Department in district Buner comprises of 1 District Headquarters Hospital (DHQH), 3 Tehsil Headquarters Hospital (THQHs), 2 Rural Health Centers (RHCs), 20 Basic Health Units (BHUs) and 8 dispensaries. Figure 1: Map of District Buner with Sampled Areas Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner 5.2 Participants Characteristics A total of 38 interviews were conducted with the distribution given in Table 5.1: Table 5.1: Distribution of In-depth Interviews Area Number of Interviews Currently Women with Husbands Pregnant Live Birth Women CP* LB* Swari Regga Chamla Korea Total 3 2 3 3 11 3 3 3 3 12 1 0 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 4 Family Members Male Female 1 1 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 4 Note: CP= currently pregnant, LB= woman with live birth One female interview of currently pregnant women was excluded from the analysis, as she was an LHW. The interview of the husband of any of the 7 currently pregnant women identified in Regga could not be carried out as 5 of them were out of station, 1 was a drug addict and was not in condition to give the interview, and one refused. The ages of participants were: women from 20 to 40 years with the mean of 28.55 years, husbands 27 to 47 years with mean of 32.4 years, and family members 29 to 70 years with mean of 47.75 years. Their living children ranged from 0 to 10; the number of sons ranged from 0 to 6, and the number of daughters ranged from 0 to 5. The age of the youngest child of women participants and husbands was from 1 month to 6 years and 2 months to 2 years, respectively. The randomly sampled areas in the district were four (all rural) and their locations are shown in the district map below: 1. Korea (rural) 2. Swari (rural) 3. Regga (rural) 4. Chamla (rural) Swari is the most urbanized rural area as compared to other three areas. Many women (16 out of 23) had no schooling, some (6) completed grades ranging from 1 to 10, with 1 woman reported having completed 14th grade. In contrast, many (5 out of 7) husbands interviewed had education from primary to grade 10 level, while one had no schooling and the other had studied up to 14th grade. Several (5) of the family members had no schooling and 2 had attended school up to the 10th grade, whereas only one held the postgraduate degree. The husbands were shopkeeper, government servant, did farming or owned small businesses. Male family members were farmers, workshop mechanic, teacher and butcher. All participants, except 4 spoke Pushto language. Among the 4 non Pushto participants, 3 spoke Hindko and 1 Urdu language. Among the participants, three belonged to Sikh religion, one woman with live birth, her sister-in-law and her husband. 5.3 Current Maternal Health Seeking Behaviors and the Key Factors that Facilitates or Hinder Maternal Health Seeking Practices. Health seeking behaviors and practices of an individual or family is influenced by several factors, such as the felt need, importance given to disease 1. Population Census 1998, Report 06 07 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner prevention and health promotion during different stages of life, whether the condition can be shared with others or not, severity of symptoms if ill, access to health services, behavior of and confidence in the staff, availability of financial resources, etc. The behaviors recorded in the Buner districts, and the factors that influence them are presented below. 5.3.1 Recognition of and reaction to pregnancy In general, the recognition of pregnancy is early by women. Majority of women presume that they are pregnant, if the menses are over due by few days to four weeks, especially if they have one or more associated symptoms such as nausea, vomiting, giddiness, lethargy, headache, backache, palpitation, tiredness, pain in ankles, and feeling of heaviness during urination. Almost two-third of women (15 out of 24) sought help from a skilled provider when the menses were overdue or appearance of any symptom to get the pregnancy confirmed. Several of them visited doctor/hospital and also got the urine test done for confirmation. Discussing the subject, a currently pregnant woman in Regga gave information about recognition of pregnancy as follows: “When menses did not come, I went to the hospital with my husband, the female doctor got the urine test done and informed me that I am pregnant” (jab mahwari band ho gai to khawand kay sath dagar haspatal gai, wahan lady doctor ko bataya tou peshaab ka test karwaya, us kay baad doctor nay kaha kay tum hamla ho gai ho). Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner mein ne khud kisi aur ko nahi bataya). Only one of the female participants reported informing the LHV and another mentioned LHW for seeking advice for pregnancy care. Participants reported varied emotions on learning about the current or last pregnancy. Several women (13 out of 23), all husbands (7) and many of the family members (6 out of 8) reported happiness; and they had 0 to 8 children before the occurrence of the current/last pregnancy. A husband in Regga with 8 living children said: “(I) felt happy as I knew that it is a son” (Khushi hui kyunke pehlay se pata tha kay larka hay) A woman with live birth in Swari said: “ I felt happy when I learnt about my pregnancy, Why should I have been unhappy, it is a blessing of Allah” (Jab mujhey apnay hamal ka maloom hua tou mein khush thi, khafa kyun hoti, ye tou Allah ki dain hai) However, some women (10 out of 23) and few family members (2 out of 8) expressed unhappiness on learning about the current or last pregnancy and they had 0-10 living children. None of the husbands expressed unhappiness. The reasons for unhappiness mentioned by women were: youngest child is too young, too many children, not healthy themselves, afraid of discomforts of pregnancy, getting pregnant very soon after marriage. One male family member quoted “poverty” as his reason for being unhappy. Slightly over half of the women stated that they shared this news first with their husbands, indicating that the level of spousal communication is moderate in this district. A currently pregnant woman with no living children in Korea said: “I was unhappy as people talk around that it is not even a year since the wedding and the baby is born” (Is wajah se khafa thi kay log batain kartay hain kay abhi shadi ka aik saal bhi nahi hua aur phir baccha sath ho gya). A 25 year old currently pregnant woman in Chamla, with four living children said: “I told my husband as I talk about such (private) things with my husband and cannot do it with any other (person) because I feel shy” (Apnay shohar ko bataya, kay aisi batain tou mein shohar ko hi karti hun aur kisi se ye batain nahi kar sakti, sharam aati hay) Importantly, some of the women who expressed unhappiness also mentioned the desire for abortion (4 out of 10) and two reported attempting abortion but failed. In the third case, the husband forbade due to religious reason and the fourth did not attempt anything because of her bad health. Next in line in terms of information about pregnancy was shared with motherin-law, other female members of the house, mother and sister. A very interesting pattern is seen here about sharing the news within one's family. Some of the woman said that they informed only one woman in the house as they feel shy to talk about it even with other woman, and very few did not even share the news with any woman. Most participants mentioned that even within a household the news about pregnancy is shared in a restricted manner. A currently pregnant woman in Chamla with 10 living children said: “I ate abortion causing medicines that costs Rs. 120, but the fetus did not abort” (baccha zai karnay wali golian jo 120 rupay mein milti hai wo bhi khain likin baccha zai nahi hua). A currently pregnant woman in Korea, discussing the subject said: “I did not tell anyone because I feel shy and it feels bad to talk about such matters. Everybody learns about it themselves when it (pregnancy) becomes evident from the body changes.” (Mein ne kisi ko nahi bataya, is liyae kay sharam aati hay, bura lagta hay is tarah ki batain karna, jab jism se zahir ho jata hay tou phir sab ko khud hi pata chal jata hay). A currently pregnant woman in Korea said: “I did not go for sterilization, one reason was that I did not have enough money, and the second reason was that some people have said those who (women) gets sterilization done are condemned (to the extent that even their funeral prayers are not accepted by God)” (Bacchay band karnay ka ilaj mein ne nahi kya, aik wajah tou ye thi kay meray pas itnay paise nahi thay, aur doosri wajah ye thi kay kuch logon ne kaha tha kay bacchay band karnay ka jo ilaj karay us ka janaza nahi hota). Another currently pregnant woman from Swari said “One day a death happened in the family (and) all family members were going. My husband told them that my wife is pregnant and she cannot go. That's how others learnt about it, I did not tell anybody else” (aik din khandan mein mayat ho gait thi, sab ghar walay ja rahay thay tou meray shohar nay un ko bata diya kay meri biwi hamla hay, wo nahi ja sakti tou is tarah baqi ghar walon ko pata chal gya, 08 The interviews revealed that women who are willing to adopt family planning are not doing so as they cannot afford it or have religious inhibitions. From the above, it is clear that: Recognition of pregnancy is mostly early and its clinical confirmation is also sought by about two-third of the women. Slightly more than half of the women shared the news of pregnancy first 09 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner with their husbands indicating that spousal communication is moderate. The main reason for sharing the news with one's spouse is that they are shy to share it with any other member of the house, including other women Some (10 out 0f 23) women reported unhappiness on learning about the pregnancy, and some of them (4 out of 10) desired to have abortion indicating unmet need for family planning. Two of the women reported attempting unsafe abortion but failing. Two-third of the women sought help from a skilled provider to confirm pregnancy There is a desire for family planning but there are limitations such as inability to afford the services or religious inhibitions Reactions to being pregnant do not appear to be related to previous pregnancies and number of living children one already has. Son preference is evident through the fact that despite having 8 living children one of the husbands expressed happiness on his wife's current pregnancy, as he was confident that she was carrying a male fetus. 5.3.2 Health-seeking behavior adopted at home The participants reported behavioral changes by women and her family on learning about the pregnancy of women. These are related to food intake, daily routine, rest, etc. Food intake: It is important to note that comments about food intake varied among different groups of participants. Only some women (7 out of 23) reported increased food intake during pregnancy, while many of the husbands (5 out of 7) and several family members (5 out of 8) mentioned the same. It was stated that this care was mainly initiated by husbands followed by family members or self. Details are given in Table 5.2. Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Rarely mentioned items were lassi, fish and rice. The reason commonly mentioned for the increased intake of the preferred items was that they give strength to the mother and overcome deficiency of blood (anemia) in her. Apple, banana and orange were the most commonly taken fruits, while a few participants mentioned grapes, guava, and pomegranate. The frequency of intake mentioned by some women is about one fruit per day. The quantity of increased intake of meat/chicken/liver was not specified. Spinach was most commonly reported vegetable. Others mentioned radish, carrot and potato. The frequency of increased intake of milk was reported by only 3 women and it was about a cup per day. A husband in Chamla reported increased food intake in the following words: “(I) increased her diet when I learnt (about the pregnancy), infact doubled it, because the fetus in the womb also needs it” (jab pata chala tou is ki khourak mein izafa kya, balkay khorak dogna kya, kyunke pait mein palnay walay bachay ko bhi khoraak ki zaroorat hoti hay) A father-in-law in Regga said: “The meat is cooked everyday as a routine, but since learnt about her pregnancy, (we) have been especially feeding her meat, fish and chicken. By this the fetus will be healthy and also the mother” (Ghost tou waise bhi ghar mein roz aata hay magar jab se is kay hamal ka pata chala tou us ko khususan ghost machli aur murghi khilatay rahey, is tarah anay wala, baccha mazboot aur tawana rahey ga, aurat bhi sehat mand rahey gi). Some of the women (9 out of 23) reported decrease intake of food during pregnancy, while none of the husbands and family members mentioned it. It is noticeable that decrease intake was reported by more women (9) than those reported increase intake (7). The reasons quoted were nausea, lack of desire to have food, indigestion. Also, about one-fourth of women, husbands and family members mentioned that there was no change in food intake. The reason for not changing the diet was given by two family members, who expressed that they could not bring any change due to poverty. Table 5.2: Preferred Foods in Pregnancy by Number of Participants Only some women and husbands and several family members did not mention any forbidden food during pregnancy, while the remaining specified foods that were forbidden to maintain health of the mother or fetus. Details are given in Table 5.3. Number of Participants Who Specified Different Preferred Foods Table 5.3: Forbidden Foods in Pregnancy by Number of Participants Food Fruit Milk Meat Vegetable Chicken Eggs Roti 2 Lassi 3 Fish Rice Pickles Dates Pulses Tea 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Number of Participants Who Specified Different Forbidden Foods Food 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Chilies Pulses Sweets Spinach Pickle Yoghurt Corn Lemon Oils Potato Beef Lassi Brinjal Meat Salt Half cooked food The most commonly reported food items of increased intake mentioned by all groups were fruit and milk while few participants' mentioned meat, and vegetables. Chicken, eggs and roti were mentioned by very few participants. Milk Very warm Roti 2. Roti: Jesus bread/flat bread made of wheat 3. Lassi: Yoghurt based drink 10 11 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner The forbidden foods, predominantly mentioned were chilly and spicy foods that are considered to be harmful for fetus and cause bleeding and miscarriage. Very few mentioned some vegetables (brinjal, spinach, potato) and pulses as having hot effects inside the body. Other forbidden items mentioned rarely 4 were salt, sweet dishes (halwa, etc.), hard foods (pulses and red beans), and not well-cooked meat. Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner other is interesting. Although husbands and family members feel they pay attention to the pregnant woman's health by increasing her intake of food the fact that women themselves report otherwise has important implications for program design. Increase in intake consisted of fruits, meat, chicken, liver and vegetables A currently pregnant woman in Regga explaining forbidden foods said: “Oil, salt and sweets are forbidden as they cause high blood pressure” (Chiknai, namak aur mithay se mana kya jata hay, is liyae kay is se blood pressure zyada ho jata hay) There does not seem to be agreement with regards to what are considered good or bad foods for example, on the one hand the increase intake of spinach was mentioned while on the other it was listed as a forbidden food. A husband in Swari described other reasons and said:” If the meat and chicken is not cooked well then we call it difficult to digest food. It can affect the digestion and cause abdominal pain, hence it should not be given” (gosht ya mughi agar achi tarah se nahi pakaya jai tou us ko ham sakht khorak kehtay hain, is se hazme par bojh par sakta hay aur pait mein dard ho sakta hay, is liyae ye nahi deni chaiyae) Forbidden foods were mostly chilly and spicy foods that are considered to have “garam” effects and can cause miscarriage. Some women were also able to decrease their routine work, especially heavy work. The extent to which women make their own decisions even when it comes to relatively simple things like food intake is questionable. The interviews with several males revealed that they decided how much their wives should eat and what work they should or should not do. In cases where food intake was increased or there were restrictions on the type and amount of work a pregnant woman was allowed to carry out appears to be related more with a concern for the health of the fetus and not necessarily the woman. Daily routine: Some women (10 out of 23), all husbands and several family members reported decrease in daily work load. The reduction was in strenuous work such as lifting of charpoy (cot), water buckets, sweeping floors, basket of washed clothes, etc. A husband in Korea describing this said: “Prohibited (her) from heavy work so that the problem of miscarriage does not arise” (Bhari kam karnay se mana kya takay phir hamal girnay ka masla na aai) A father-in-law in Regga while mentioning the same point, said: “(she) should not lift heavy weights and also not undertake work in which (she) has to bend, as this type of works carries the risk of miscarriage” (zyada bojh uthana nahi chahiyae aur wo kam jis mein jhukna parta hay, kay is qism kay kamo mein hamal girnay ka andaisha hota hay). Besides this, rest was also increased from few hours to no work at all. A pregnant woman of 20 years said: “(I) do not do any work since (I) got pregnant. Swept (the floor) once that resulted in backache. Since then I have not done any work” (jab se hamla hui hon koi kam nahi karti, aik dafa jharo di thi, us se kamar mein dard ho gya tha, us kay baad se koi kaam nahi kya). Some women (9 out of 23) also reported no change in their daily work routine. A currently pregnant woman from Regga said : “I work even after the conception because there is no other person in the house, (and) I have to do it”(hamal thairnay kay baad bhi kam karti hun kyunke ghar mein aur koi fard nahi, mujhey hi karna parta hay). It can be concluded that: Both positive and negative changes in life style of pregnant women were reported by all groups of participants. More women (9 out of 23) reported decrease intake as compared to those (7) who reported increase in food intake. The difference in perceptions of increased food intake between the women on the one hand and the husbands and family members on the 4. Halwa: A sweet dish made of semolina, clarified butter and nuts 12 5.3.3 Perceptions of required health services in pregnancy, delivery, and postpartum Pregnancy: Most of the participants (31 out of 38) believed that check up should be done during normal pregnancy. Majority of them preferred the doctor/hospital, while rarely participants suggested seeking health services from LHV, LHW, dai, or dispenser. The various purposes identified for seeking health services included: confirmation of the pregnancy, advice for pregnancy care, check up of the status and position of the fetus, blood pressure of the mother, prescriptions or tablets for “strength” and tetanus toxoid vaccinations. A woman with live birth in Regga expressed: “ (One) should go to the hospital during pregnancy, as the urine is tested and lady doctor Gulnaz is there (to do the check up)” (Hamal kay doran haspatal jana chahiyae doctor kay pas kyunke wahan paishab test hota hay aur wahan lady doctor Gulnaz bhi hay) A husband in Chamla emphasizing the check up during pregnancy stated: “(She) should go to the Dagar Hospital, (or) to Naheed (LHV), and it is must to go to other doctor who is a TV surgeon (one who has ultrasound)” (Dagar haspatal jai, Naheed (LHV) kay pas jana chahiyae aur doosri doctorni jokay TV surgeon hay, is kay pas jana zaroori hay) Rarely the frequency of visits for check up was mentioned and it was suggested to be once in a month to every two months. A woman with live birth in Regga expressed: “The pregnant woman goes for check up every 1 to 2 months” (Hamla har mah ya do mah baad check up kay liyae jati hay) Few participants (9 out of 38) mentioned about the need for getting tetanus toxoid (TT) injections during pregnancy, which reflects low felt need or 13 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner acceptability. A father-in-law in Swari said: “Earlier, I was very much against it 5 (TT). Moulvi of the mosque told (us) that it is a plan of westerners for enforcing family planning. But not now, my daughter (a LHW) says that it is necessary, as this will (help to) give birth to a healthy baby” (Pehlay tou mein is kay bahut khilaf tha, Masjid kay moulvi sahib ne bataya kay ye angraizon ki taraf se bacchay band karnay ka mansooba hay. Likin ab nahi, meri beti (LHW) kehti hay kay ye lazmi hota hay, teekay lagwa kar baccha sehatmand paida ho jai ga). Delivery: Many women (16 out of 23), husbands (5 out of 7) and family members (6 out of 8) preferred doctor/hospitals for delivery, as the first choice. They belonged to all the four areas of the study. A woman with live birth in Korea favoring deliveries by doctor in hospital said: “(one) should go to a doctor in hospital for birth to avail medicines easily, and if operation is required, it should be done without delay” (Paidaish kay liyae haspatal mein doctor kay pas jana chahiyae take wahan dawaiyan aasani se milain aur agar operation ki zaroorat paray tou waqt par ho). A currently pregnant woman from Regga also emphasizing deliveries by doctor said: “(one) should go to a doctor, she has the facility to give stitches (perineal sutures) and also has warm water” (Doctor kay pas jana chahiyae, wo tankay lagain tou is ki sahulat bhi hay, garam pani bhi hota hay). Only few women and one family member preferred dai as the first choice for conducting the delivery. A woman with live birth in Korea while expressing faith in the services provided by dai, said: “(For us) it is a must to call dai at the time of birth. Nobody else has ever conducted deliveries. We consider it bad to go outside home for deliveries” (Paidaish kay liyae tou lazmi dai ko hi bulatay hain, kabhi kisi aur kay hath bacchay paida nahi huay, hamaray yahan kay log bacchon ki paidaish kay liyae bahar jana bura mantay hain). Only two women and also two husbands preferred LHV as the first choice for conducting delivery. Postpartum: Some women (9 out of 23) and husbands (3 out of 7) mentioned that doctor/hospital or LHV should be seen during postpartum period, with most of them preferring the doctor. While some of the other women (9 out of 23) mentioned that doctor's/hospital help should be sought if there is any need. A woman with live birth in Chamla expressed this as: “A woman does not go out of the house in postpartum, however, she goes to hospital if there is a need” (Chillay mein aurat ghar se bahar nahi nikalti, likin agar zaroorat par jai tou phir haspatal jati hay). Participants rarely mentioned dai as the provider of choice during postpartum period. Inference drawn from above is that: Encouragingly, most of the participants believed that there is need for seeking skilled or trained health care for normal pregnancy, and majority of them expressed need for check up by a doctor. There is little information on the number of routine visits. 5. Moulvi: Imam of the mosque 14 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner The attitude towards TT vaccination is negative and there is little felt need expressed for TT. Many participants preferred a skilled provider for delivery, mostly female doctor. The preference for doctors was often expressed in terms of the equipment that they had such as TV (ultrasound), ability to apply stitches and even simple things like warm water. Some participants believed that there is need for seeking health care in normal postpartum. 5.3.4 Availability of services to women and their utilization In Pregnancy: The common health services available to women within community for pregnancy care, delivery care and postpartum care are given in Table 5.4: Table 5.4: Available Health Services in the Sampled Areas for Maternal Care Chamla (rural) · Dai · LHW · Private female doctor · Private LHV · Private dispenser · Civil Hospital Korea (rural) · Dai · LHW · BHU (LHV) Regga (rural) · Dai · LHW · Moulvi Swari (rural) · Dai · LHW · Private dispensers · Private female doctor · Sultan General Hospital(private) · DHQH (Dagar) Hospital Hws were available in all areas, but only one woman in Chamla and one husband in Regga reported utilizing their services for antenatal care (ANC), indicating that they are not working very actively for ANC. A currently pregnant woman from Regga said: “(We) have the facility of Husn Ara (LHW) but she has never given us any medicine, nor came to our house. (She) came to enlist me as a pregnant woman as per her duty, but never came back” (Husn Ara LHW ki sahulat hay likin is ne hamy kabhi koi dawai nahi di, kabhi hamaray ghar nahi aai, is naukri kay liyae naam likhnay aai thi, phir nahi aai)” . A brother-in-law in Chamla, commenting about LHWs remarked: “we do not consider her a health care provider as she cannot do anything, she only has advice” (Hum log us ko sahulat is liyae nahi samajhtay kay LHW baichari tou kuch nahi kar sakti, us kay pas sirf mashwaray hotay hain). Very few women reported utilizing the services of dai during pregnancy, and they are called if there is a need. A currently pregnant woman in Swari said: “ We have two dais in our area, if needed, we call them” (Hamla aurton kay liyae hamaray ilaqay mein dou dai hain, agar zaroorat paray tou unko bula laite hain). 15 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Male paramedics are utilized for treatment of minor ailments during pregnancy and also TT vaccination. Several participants praised doctor Gulnaz at Dagar Hospital for her availability, skills and behavior. The services of LHV in BHU at Korea for pregnancy care were reported by almost all women participants of the area. A woman with live birth in Swari said: “Lady doctor Gulnaz is at Dagar Hospital, and (everybody) is available at the time of need. It has X-ray, operation theatre, laboratory, and a medical store in front of the hospital. People go there as their services are good and transport is transport is easily available for going and returning back.(Dagar haspatal mein lady doctor Gulnaz hay, ye log waqt par mil bhi jatay hain, yahan X-ray, operation theatre, laboratory, aur haspatal kay samne medical store bhi hay. Log yahan jatay hain kyunke yahan ka ilaj acha hay aura nay janay kay liyae gari asani se mil jati hay) Dr. Gulnaz posted at Dagar Hospital, Swari, who also runs her private clinic in the area seems to be a very popular choice of participants for pregnancy confirmation and care. Civil Hospital in Chamla is popular among most participants of the area and women are utilizing its services for ANC, vaccination and treatment. Delivery: Several women (13 out of 23), 1 husband and some family members (3 out of 8) mentioned that the services of dai are utilized for delivery. This indicates a wide gap in their reported preferences and actual utilization. A woman with live birth in Korea, while explaining this difference mentioned 24-hour availability of dai and cost of her services as the reasons: “Women go to the LHV in BHU for check up during pregnancy, but the birth of the child takes place at the hands of dai, as she is available all the time and charges less” (Khwateen BHU mein LHV kay pas check up kay liyae jati hain, likin baccahy ki paidaish dai kay hatoun hoti hay kyunke dai har waqt mil sakti hay aur paise bhi kam leiti hay). A woman with live birth from Regga gave another reason, i.e. close proximity of dai for utilizing her services and said: “Doctor Naz Parwar (who is a dai) lives close in our area (and) we go to her” (Hamaray ilaqay main doctor naz parwar (dai) hay jo qarib hi hay, us kay pas jatay hain). Male dispensers are called at home in two areas, Chamla and Swari, to give injections and IV infusions to facilitate delivery if it is being conducted by family members at home. A woman with live birth in Swari said: “My husband does not allow me to go out (for delivery) as he is a (religious) preacher. (We) call Babu (dispenser) at home to give injections and IV infusions”(Kyunke meray shohar tablighi hain bahar nahi janay daite, Babu (dispenser) ghar bula leytay hain, wo zichgi kay doran ghar aa kar injection aur drip laga daite hain). Only few women mentioned that they utilize skilled providers for delivery i.e. LHV or doctor. Postpartum: The health services available to women within their community during postpartum are similar to those for pregnancy care, but almost none of the women mentioned the utilization of any service unless there is some illness or problem during this period. 6 7 One husband mentioned availing dum and Tawiz from a moulvi to prevent drying up of the milk of woman. Participants in all areas stated that services outside the community are accessible to them. People from all four areas are mainly utilizing services in Swari. These included DHQH (Dagar Hospital), Sultan General Hospital (private), private clinic of a female doctor and LHV, male paramedics, laboratory and blood bank, medical stores, and transport. Participants mentioned that services in the facilities at Swari are good and they are availed according to the need and affordability. Some participants (12 out of 38) also mentioned utilizing services in other cities like Mardan or Swat or Peshawar or Nowshera. The specific reasons mentioned for utilizing the services outside community are: Insufficient facilities within community Easy accessibility Quality of care is good All facilities are available (all types of providers, lab, X-ray, medical store, transport) Free services in some facilities Very few participants (4 out of 38) mentioned that not all people utilize the health services outside the community and the major reason mentioned was poverty. In brief: Health services available to women within their community for pregnancy care varied from dai to DHQH Women are mainly utilizing services of skilled providers for pregnancy care. This indicates that if available, services are utilized even in conservative communities where women are shy to even share the news of pregnancy with other females in the family The role of LHWs and dai is very limited in pregnancy care There is a distinct gap in preference and utilization for delivery services. Though doctor is preferred but dai is being most commonly utilized The services outside community located in Swari are being used due to easy accessibility, popularity of the female doctor, and her availability. The participants presented a fairly positive picture related to the availability of services outside their community, both to the various types of services available as well as the quality of care. The practice of utilization of health services for normal postpartum is non existent. 6. Dum: Verses from Holy Quran are read and then the breath air is blown over the individual or water, which is then used for drinking 7. Tawiz: Amulet 16 17 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner 5.3.5 Health seeking from skilled providers during current/last pregnancy, last delivery and last postpartum Participants were asked to report their personal experiences of seeking care beyond the level of dai during pregnancy, delivery and postpartum. Most women participants (18 out of 23) reported seeking antenatal care from a female doctor/hospital or LHV during current or last pregnancy. Majority of them visited doctor Gulnaz in Dagar Hospital or in her private clinic. Most of the visits were for confirmation of pregnancy, check up and vaccination. Few (5 out of 23) also sought care for some illness or problem during this period. All husbands reported that their wives attended Dagar Hospital. Most family members ( 7 out of 8) also provided similar statements. These visits ranged from only one to fortnightly check ups. A woman with live birth in Regga said: “I went to Dr. Gulnaz during first pregnancy and for the last birth, she has a private clinic, the delivery is conducted comfortably, she is a senior doctor” (Mein pehlay hamal kay doraan aur maujooda bachay ki paidaish kay waqt doctor Gulnaz kay pass gai thi, us ka private clinic hay, wahan baccha aram se paida ho jata hay, bari doctor hay samajhti hay). According to women participants, some (7 out of 23) deliveries were conducted by skilled providers such as LHV, doctor or in hospital. Only one woman from Swari availed this service. Some husbands and few family members reported deliveries in hospital. A woman with live birth in Regga said: “(We) do not go to dai, she is not experienced like a doctor, (we) go to Dr. Gulnaz” (Dai ke pass naheen jatey who doctor jitna tajruba naheen rakhtee, doctor Gulnaz ke pass jatey hen) Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner More than half of the women, husbands and family members stated that they did not seek any service from health care providers during the period of postpartum. Few women and husbands and only one family member mentioned availing health care from doctor/ hospital but in case of complication or illness. Seeking care from paramedics during this period was rarely mentioned by participants. In brief: Most women are seeking ANC from providers beyond the dai. Majority of these are going to a female doctor Some deliveries were also conducted by skilled providers such as LHV or doctor No care is sought from skilled providers during normal postpartum 5.3.6 Knowledge about maternal life threatening complications Pregnancy: Most women (18 out of 23) mentioned 1 to 4 conditions that could threaten the life of a pregnant woman, while 5 did not know any. Some husbands (3) and family members (3) also did not know of any condition. The conditions mentioned are given in Table 5.5. Table 5.5: Knowledge of Life Threatening Conditions During Pregnancy Among Different Groups of Participants Total Participants (38) 0 2 Family Members (8) 1 1 3 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 6 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Beating by husband Palpitation/ Difficulty in breathing 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 Don’t know/No response 5 3 3 11 Women (23) Husbands (7) Bleeding Miscarriage/death of fetus 11 4 Malposition of fetus High Blood Pressure High Sugar Labor pains before 8 months Severe abdominal pain Vomiting Jaundice Paralysis Fits Malaria Conditions Those who sought services from dai, preferred her care as: People do not have money to pay other providers Expenditures are far less as compared to other providers Family members do not like delivery to be conducted outside the home She conducts deliveries at home which is logistically convenient She is considered to be experienced and skilful Going outside for deliveries are not perceived well in the community A sister-in-law of a woman with live birth in Korea expressed: “Women go to hospital for check up (during pregnancy) but dais are called during deliveries, because the people in the area do not allow women to go out and consider it bad (practice). Secondly, poverty is widespread in this area and dai conducts the deliveries in small amount and she is available, (one) does not have to go outside the community” (Aurten haspatal jatee hen check up bhee karwatee hen liken zichgi ke waqt dayon ko bulwaya jata hey kion ke yahan ke log aurton ko bahar janey naheen detey, bura mantey hen. Dosrey yahan gurbat ziada hey, dai kam pasoon men zichgi kar detee hey or ilakaye men mil bhee jatee hey, kaheen or jana naheen parta) 12 7 As evident from the above table, the knowledge about life threatening conditions in pregnancy is very limited, and bleeding was the most commonly mentioned condition. A currently pregnant woman from Chamla, while describing the amount of blood loss that threatens the life said: “If (she) bleeds to the extent that it drips down from the charpoy 8(khhon zyada aay jo charpoy se nichay nikal paray). 8. Charpoy: Cot 18 19 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Delivery: It is important to note that 10 participants did not know of any life threatening conditions during delivery. Others mentioned 1 to 4 conditions, and the most common were bleeding and retained placenta. Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Table 5.7: Knowledge of Life Threatening Conditions During Postpartum Among Different Groups of Participants Conditions A woman with live birth in Swari said: “At the time of delivery, excessive bleeding, transverse lie of fetus, retained placenta for more than half hour, paralysis due to cold, are dangerous for (maternal) life”(paidaish kay waqt khoon ka zyada aana, bachay ka aara hona, placenta ka aadhay ghantay tak bahar na aana, thand ki wajah se falij ho jana, zindagi kay liyae khatra hay) The details are given in Table 5.6. Table 5.6: Knowledge of Life Threatening Conditions During Delivery Among Different Groups of Participants Conditions Women (23) Husbands (7) Family Members (8) Total Participants (38) 2 0 0 Bleeding Retained Placenta High Blood Pressure Mal Positioning Uterus prolapse Paralysis Bursting of water bag Premature Delivery Prolong labor High Sugar Need for Blood Overweight fetus Overdue Delivery Zakhm 9 in Uterus Need for Operation Excessive pain Non availability of health provider 9 6 4 2 2 2 2 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 12 7 4 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Don’t Know/No Response 5 2 3 10 Postpartum: Again, bleeding was mentioned as the most common condition, followed by paralysis and high blood pressure. However, the reason for 10 paralysis was mostly given to be thand. A woman with live birth in Swari said: “In postpartum, a woman has danger of getting paralysis if she goes out of her room in the winter months” (Chiley mein agar aurat sardion mein kamray se bahar niklay tou usey falij ka khatra hota hay). The conditions mentioned by different groups of participants are given in Table 5.7. 9. Zakhm in uterus: an injury in uterus 10. Thand: effect of cold 20 Bleeding Paralysis due to cold High Blood Pressure High Fever If gets scared by being alone TB Pain Prolapse uterus Stress Heavy work Improper diet Fits Jaundice Thand (Effects of cold) Cold Cough Don’t Know/No response Women (23) Husbands (7) Family Members (8) Total Participants (38) 10 4 4 3 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 11 5 5 3 2 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 6 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 14 It is also important to point out that husbands and male family have very limited knowledge about maternal life threatening conditions during postpartum. A brother-in-law in Chamla showed his ignorance in the following words and said: “There is no condition that threatens life during postpartum”(Chillay kay doran koi aise baat nahi jis se zindagi ko khatra ho) It could be concluded that: Knowledge of warning signs of obstetric complications is limited, and is minimal among husbands and also male family members. Though varied signs were mentioned by participants but the knowledge of individual participants was very low. Bleeding is the predominantly recognized sign for pregnancy, delivery and postpartum. The amount of bleeding that can be considered dangerous is not very well understood. It is considered as a danger sign if there is blood visible through the clothes and bedding. Paralysis appears to be a problem in this district, as it has been mentioned both during delivery and postpartum, but the cause is mainly considered to be thand and not high blood pressure. Postpartum appears to be a neglected area. No participant reported the need for skilled care during the postpartum, while fewer recalled danger signs during this period 5.3.7 Actions taken during obstetric emergency The trend for seeking emergency care during pregnancy, delivery and postpartum is very similar, hence dealt together. Several women (15 out of 23) and family members (5 out of 8) and most husbands (6 out of 7) mentioned seeking medical care from a skilled provider as the first choice during an obstetric emergency. Most women mentioned that the woman should be taken 21 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner to the female doctor in Dagar Hospital, and if she cannot handle then to Mardan or Peshawar. One woman each mentioned that a dai/LHV was consulted first for obstetric complication. Another woman In Regga mentioned that initially herbs11are given at home to treat emergencies: “We give a medicine patarlak if the bleeding starts before delivery, which stops it.14In 12 13 postpartum, if the uterus gets infected then kuri, mamegh or khudungh is given”(Paidaish kay waqt se pehlay khoon aae to aik dawaii (patarlak) deitay hain jis se khoon ruk jata hay. Chillay mein agar aurat ki baccha dani mein zakhm ho jai to kuri, mamegh ya khudungh deite hain). However, it could not be inferred that what stage of the illness is considered serious enough to take the woman to the doctor/hospital. The limited knowledge of warning signs and discussions by participants suggest that the decision is delayed. In brief: In emergency help is mainly sought from the female doctor in hospital Although the doctor is perceived to be the first choice in an emergency the reference to home remedies and consultation with dais is important to keep in mind. Given the lack of knowledge about danger signs and the low levels of communication at the household level, it is entirely possible that care from a doctor is sought as a last resort when it might be too late. 5.3.8 Assistance of husbands, family members, health care providers and community in emergency situations. Husband: Several women (15 out of 23) stated that the husband plays an important role in emergency situations by arranging for money and transport or he accompanies the woman to the health facility. Few mentioned arrangement of blood. Rarely mentioned assistance was moral support, calling dai, arrangement of medicines. The assistance described by husbands and family members had similar pattern. A husband in Chamla while describing assistance given by husbands said: “Husband can take (her) to the doctor, arrange transport, provide moral support, arrange money. Anything that is to be done will be done by the husband” (shohar doctor kay pas le ja sakta hay, gari ka intizam kar sakta hay, hosla day sakta hay, paison ka intizam kar sakta hay. Bus ye samjhain kay jo bhi karma hay shohar ne karna hay). Family Members: Women identified several modes of assistance that can be provided by family members in obstetric emergency. Many (17 out of 23) mentioned that family members can accompany to the health facility, some said that they can arrange money, take care of the household chores or arrange transportation. Few opined that they can take her to the doctor in the absence of the husband or arrange blood. One woman mentioned that family members do not provide any assistance. Almost similar pattern of assistance was identified by husbands and family members 11. Patarlak: a herb which is grinded and mixed with clarified butter and given about a pinch with black tea 12. Kuri: herbal medicine prepared at home 13. Mamegh: herbal medicine prepared at home 14. Khudungh: herbal medicine prepared at home 22 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Health Care Providers: Most women, husbands and family members mentioned provision of better care by health care providers through good medicines and treatment. However, husbands and family members mentioned that it depends on the amount of fees paid to them. Women also rarely stated that health care providers could give good guidance for the place to seek care from. Two women mentioned that dai can accompany a woman in case of complication. Community: Many of the women participants (17 out of 23) stated that members of the community can provide monetary assistance. Some said that they can assist in arranging the transport and accompany to the facility. Few women also mentioned that they can arrange blood or take care of household chores. Rarely mentioned assistance were taking to the doctor or hospital, providing moral support, praying for the safety of the mother Arrangement of money was mentioned by most husbands and some of the family members as the assistance from community members. Many husbands and one the family members thought that community can assist in obstetric emergency through arrangement of blood and/or accompany to the health facility. Some husbands also mentioned arrangement of transport. A husband in Swari while describing assistance from the community said: “Villagers can go to the hospital with the patient, women can take charge of the household chores, monetary assistance can be given (by them), (they) can give blood if required. People of the area are like one body and they equally share the sorrow and happiness” (gaon walay mareez kay sath haspatal ja saktay hain, auratain ghar kay karobar sambhal sakti hain, mali imdad kar saktay hain, khoon ki zaroorat aai to khoon dein gay kyunke ilaqay kay log aik jism ki tarah hotay hain, aik doosray kay dukh dard mein barabar kay shareek hotay hain) Only one women participant said that no assistance is provided by the community. On specific questioning, 8 participants (5 women and 3 family members) recalled cases of obstetric emergencies. Two participants mentioned that no assistance was given by the community members. Others mentioned that community members provided assistance in the form of arrangement of transport, accompanying the patient, giving blood and/or money (up to Rs. 10,000). A father-in-law in Korea said: “The fetus died in the womb of one of our relative's wife, she had to be taken immediately to the hospital, all villagers came, arranged transport, and they also gave three bottles of blood that was required” (Hamaray rishtaydar ki biwi kay pait mein baccha mar gya tha, us ko foran haspatal phonchana tha, sab gaon walay in kay sath aai, gari ka intizam kya, aur teen bag khoon ki zaroorat thi wo bhi gaon kay logon ne fraham ki). Briefly: In emergency situations, husbands appear to play the key role in arranging money and transport and accompanying her to the hospital. Family members assist by arranging money, accompanying to the hospital, or doing household chores. Community members also assist by arranging money and transport, 23 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner accompanying the patient to hospital, giving blood and doing household chores. It should be pointed out that among those who were aware of actual obstetric emergencies in two out of eight cases community help was not available. The assistance of health care providers has been mentioned to be provision of good care and advice, but participants also expressed cynicism by reporting that the quality of care depended to some extent on the payments made to them 5.3.9 Conclusions The Table 5.8 below summarizes the findings reported under theme 5.3. Table 5.8: Key Factors Influencing Maternal Health Seeking Behavior Facilitating Factors Hindering Factors Recommendations Link maternal health with the family planning program MNH Program should include a strong nutrition component focusing on families to first eat more of their traditional foods and then add some higher cost foods periodically Focus on antenatal check up, TT vaccination and iron supplements Maternal health needs to be conceptualized in terms of pregnancy, delivery and postpartum care Build on the positive associations of seeking skilled care during pregnancy to extend it for delivery and postpartum care Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Perception that services are not affordable In a cultural context where women have little or no decision making power male involvement becomes crucial. However, the traditional mindset that pregnancy and delivery are female domains needs to be tackled Incorporate dais in the program effectively by defining their responsibilities and educating the community people about their role Improve the knowledge about life threatening obstetric complications The difference in perceptions of women and their husbands/family members with regards to pregnancy care is eye opening. It is important to implement programs that bridge the gap between varying perceptions The fact that individuals report preference for skilled care is a heartening finding. This indicates that the barriers to accessing skilled care are not related to a lack of knowledge but a function of access and cultural barriers. Explore the possibility of harnessing community support for establishing financial schemes 24 25 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner 5.4 Current Health Seeking Behavior for Newborns and the Key Factors that Facilitate or Hinder these Health Seeking Practices 5.4.1 Perception of required health services for newborn Not a single participant mentioned the need for check up of newborn by a skilled provider, unless ill. A currently pregnant woman in Chamla stated: “(one) should not go anywhere if the newborn is not sick, but should take (the infant) to Government hospitals if ill” (Theek ho bacha to kaheen naheen jana chayey, bemar ho jaye to sarkaree haspatal ley kar jana chayey)” Most of the participants stated a doctor/hospital should be visited for the treatment of illness(es) of newborn. Some of these participants mentioned availing the services of a child specialist in such cases. A husband in Chamla emphasizing the need to consult a specialist for a newborn in case of illness said: “As far as the infants are concerned, I think child specialist should be consulted for treatment because there is a risk in consulting a common doctor (physician)” (Jahan tak bachoon ka taaluk hey to merey khayal men sirf children specialist sey ilaj karwana chayey kion kea am doctor sey bachoon ka ilaj karwana ek risk hey) Few thought that paramedics should be consulted for the treatment of the newborn because they charge less and even provide their services on credit. A woman with live birth in Swari stated: “We don't go to any one else except babu (paramedic) our children get well with his treatment and we trust him” (Hum babu ke ilawa kaheen naheen jatey kion ke un key ilaj sey humrey bachey theek ho jatey hen or humen un par yaqen bhee hey). It is alarming that only very few participants mentioned need for vaccination for newborns. Rarely participants mentioned that the child should not be taken out of the house unless there is some extreme illness. 5.4.2 Availability of services for newborn and their utilization None of the participants pointed out non-availability of health services for newborn in their area. The availability of at least a medical doctor and male paramedics was mentioned in all areas, with addition of some other facilities as given in Table 5.9: Table 5.9: Available Health Services for Newborn in the Sampled areas Chamla (rural) Private male paramedics LHV Male doctor Civil Hospital Korea (rural) Private male paramedics Private male doctor BHU Regga (rural) Male paramedics Male doctor Private clinic Swari (rural) Male paramedics Male doctors Female doctor DHQH (Dagar Hospital) Laboratory X-ray Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner None of the participants mentioned any services of LHWs for newborn care in any of the four areas. Almost all participants from all areas mentioned that services outside their community are accessible to them. These included Dagar Hospital, Civil Hospital Chamla, BHU Torwarsak and Cheena, private clinics of doctors and paramedics and health facilities in adjoining districts of Mardan, Swat and Peshawar. Two major reasons were mentioned for seeking care from outside the community: Inadequate services in their community The good quality of care being provided by facilities outside their community. A currently pregnant woman in Regga said: “We go to Dagar hospital (DHQH) because there is facility for (laboratory) test. (It also) has incubator, x-ray and machines for chest examination. We go for (availing) these services” (Dagar haspatal men test karney kee sahulat hey, sheesha bhee hey, x ray bhee or seeney kee kuch machiney bhee hen, hum log in sahulatun ke liye jatey hen wahan). A father-in-law in Chamla stated: “For newborn (health care) (we) can go to Dagar hospital, besides, those who could afford visit Mardan, Peshawar or Swat” (Nozaeda bachey ke liye Dagar Haspatal ja saktey hen, is ke ilawa jink e pass paisa ho who Mardan, Peshawar or Swat jatey hen) Very few participants mentioned that seeking health care from outside community is expensive and sometimes difficult because of transport problems. They said that such services are availed by only those who can afford them. A woman with live birth in Chamla said: “If somebody has money but could not get treatment in their own area, visit outside (the community) facilities, otherwise these paramedics are to be consulted for treatment” (Agar kise ke pass paisey hun or apney ilakey men ilaj na ho sakey to who bahar chaley jatey hen warna inhee babun sey ilaj karatey hen). Discussing personal experiences, some women and husbands reported that they have sought health services for the newborn from either a doctor/hospital or a paramedic for seeking treatment of an illness. The problems for which health care was sought from the health providers for the newborn were fever, diarrhea, pneumonia, malaria, vomiting, cough, abdominal pain and pain in the chest. 5.4.3 Steps to ensure the health of the newborn Most participants mentioned a few specific steps to ensure the health of the newborn. Several women and some family members mentioned keeping the infant warm or cold according to the season, as the main step. Few participants in all the three groups also mentioned seeking treatment for illness from a skilled health provider or hospital and keeping the infant clean. Rarely, other measures mentioned were improving the diet of the mother, vaccination of the newborn, TT vaccination of the mother during pregnancy, oil massage of 16 the newborn, protection from saya and evil-eye and giving ghutti. A few husbands and family members were not aware of any measures that are taken to ensure the health of the newborn. 16. Saya: effect of evil spirits 26 27 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner There was some evidence of gender bias. A woman with live birth in Korea said: “If the newborn is a boy we do take some care, but girls are left on Allah (to help), nothing is done (for them)” (Agar larka ho tou thora bahut khyal kar leytay hain, larki ho to Allah kay asray par chor deytai hain, kuch nahi kartay) 5.4.4 Knowledge About Life Threatening Conditions in Newborn Many women participants did not mention any condition, while most husbands and family members specified that they do not know about life threatening conditions among newborn. Seven women, 1 husband and 2 family members identified the conditions as given in Table 5.10: Table 5.10: Knowledge About Life Threatening Complications in Newborn Conditions Jaundice Cold/cough/Pneumonia/Thand Diarrhea Does not take feed Does not cry Fits Not mentioned Don’t know Women (23) Husbands (7) Family Members (8) Total Participants (38) 5 3 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 6 5 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 12 4 0 6 0 6 12 16 It appears from the above table that the knowledge of life threatening conditions in newborns is extremely poor among women, husbands and family members in all four areas of Buner. This situation is well reflected in the statement of a currently pregnant woman with 5 living children, who said: “There is no danger to the life of newborn, I don't know what could be dangerous” (bacchay ki zindagi ko tou koi khatra nahi hota, mujhey nahi maloom kay usey kya khatra ho sakta hay). A husband in Chamla said: “I have no knowledge about it”(is ka mujhey koi pata nahi) A father-in-law in Swari asked the interviewer in response to his query and said: “What could be dangerous to the life of newborn?” (nai paida honay walay bacchay ko kya khatra ho sakta?) However, it should be noted that in 10 out of 12 interviews of women with live birth no mention was made about life threatening condition of newborn. All these interviews were conducted by one interviewer and it appears that she this question was inadvertently dropped during the discussion on this issue. Hence a definitive conclusion is not possible. 5.4.5 Actions taken for threat to life of Newborn As compared to mothers, newborns appear to be receiving somewhat less medical care in case of an emergency (again, this could be due to the same interviewer error as mentioned above). Several women, some husbands and half of the family members mentioned that they prefer to take the newborn to a 28 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner doctor or hospital in life threatening situations. A woman from Chamla mentioned that the infant is only taken to a provider if the parents have enough money, otherwise no help is sought and the newborn dies. Only one woman participant from Regga recalled an emergency of newborn, and the community provided money, arranged transport and accompanied the family to the facility. 5.4.6 Conclusion The perception of most of the participants about required health services for a normal newborns is that health services should not be sought, unless the infant is ill. Very few participants mentioned the need for acquiring vaccinations to prevent the newborn from diseases. Also, the knowledge about the life threatening conditions is very limited. Table 5.11: Key Factors Facilitating or Hindering Newborn Health Facilitating Factors Protecting the newborn from severity of weather conditions Treatment from skilled providers on appearance of symptoms Accessible services outside community Hindering Factors Recommendations Lack of knowledge about the need for check up after birth Provide basic information on care necessary for a neonate immediately after birth and also in the first 40 days of life. Hardly any mention of seeking vaccinations Very low knowledge about life threatening conditions of newborn in husbands Enhance the role of LHWs in neonatal care Provide information about warning signs in newborn Gender related issues need to be considered when developing interventions 5.5 Current Birth Preparedness and Complications Readiness Behaviors and the Key Facilitating or Hindering Factors 5.5.1 Preparations made for birth by woman, husband and family members Spousal Communication: A very clear trend is seen regarding spousal communication and discussions with other family members on birth 29 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner preparedness. About half (12 out of 23) of the women mentioned that they discuss these issues only with their spouse. A woman with live birth in Regga said: “(I) do not talk about such matters with mother-in-law or other family members, (as I) feel shy”(Sas ya ghar kay logon se hum is tarah ki batain nahi kartay, sharam aati hay). Few women (6 out of 23) mentioned that they discuss it with other female members of the household and in most of these cases husbands were out of station. The remaining few women (5 out of 23) stated that they do not discuss birth preparations with anybody, and two reasons were given. One was that they feel shy to discuss it and the other was that it is not considered good to have these discussions. A currently pregnant woman in Regga said: “I feel shy and I do not talk about it with anybody at home and it is not considered good to talk about these matters” (Mujhey sharam aati hay, mein is baray mein ghar mein kisi se koi baat nahi karti aur aisy batain karnay ko acha nahi samjha jata). In order of descending frequency of responses, the reported discussions about birth preparations are: place where delivery should take place, arrangement of money, transportation arrangement, blood arrangement, where to go in case of complication, who will accompany the woman, and antenatal care. A currently pregnant woman from Regga describing the spousal communication said: “Yes, I have discussed, I have asked him (husband) to arrange money, transport and blood. This has (also) been discussed that the delivery will be conducted by Dr. Gulnaz” (han meri batain hui hain, mein us se kehti hon kay paisay gari aur khoon ka intizam karo, yeh baat hui hay kay baccha doctor Gulnaz kay hath paida hoga) A woman with live birth in Chamla, describing her discussions for birth preparation said: “I used to talk to my mother-in-law about non availability of money at home and what will we do (without it) if the delivery happens (unexpectedly)” (Sas se batain karti thi kay ghar mein paise nahi hotay aur agar bacchay ki paidaish ka waqt ho gya tou phir karain gay) In contrast to women, all husbands and several family members (5 out of 8) mentioned that there is discussion among husband and wife regarding birth preparation and the issues mentioned are similar to those described by women. A brother-in-law in Chamla said: “It is strictly forbidden in our family and culture that (a) woman talks about such matters with anybody, except husband” (Hamaray khandan aur culture mein ye cheez sakhti se mana hay kay aurat shohar kay ilawa kisi aur kay sath is tarah ki cheezon par behas karay). As evident from the above sentences of the participants, some preparations for birth and complication readiness are taking place in this district. Slightly more than half of the women (12 out of 23), most of the husbands (6 out of 7) and many family members (6 out of 8) mentioned money arrangements as the primary preparation. Distinctively, the amount was mentioned by males only and it was up to Rs. 13,000. A father-in-law in Swari said: “I always keep Rs. 5000 to Rs. 10,000 and this is our preparation. (We) have car, Besides this we neither think or prepare and leave the rest to God” (bus hamari tayari tou ye hoti hay kay mein ghar mein panch dus hazar rupay hamesha rakhta hun, gari pas hay, is kay alawa na hum sochtay hain na kartay hain, bus Allah par chor daite hain). Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner from Swari said: “(we) take the loan from somebody (in advance). (The money) could be required anytime as my 10th month has begun” (Paisay kisy se qarz lay kar rakhay hain, kisy bhi waqt zaroorat ho sakti hay kyunke mera daswan mahina shoru hua hay) Several participants (24 out of 38) stated that the decision about the place of delivery is made in advance. Most of them mentioned that they decided about the doctor/hospital even in case of an expected normal delivery. A currently pregnant woman in Swari said: “My motherin-law has told me that we will go to Dr. Gulnaz for delivery”(Meri sas ne kaha hay kay bacchay ki paidaish kay liyae doctor Gulnaz kay pas jain gay). For very few the choice is to deliver at home and the dai is informed some days in advance or LHV is called at the time of delivery. A woman with live birth in Swari describing this said: “No preparations were made, only dai was informed before hand and she was called for conducting the delivery. Males do not allow us to go out”(Koi tyari nahi ki thi, sirf dai ko pehlay se bata dya tha aur usey ko bulaya zichgi kay liyae, hamaray mard bahar janay nahi deiti). The decision is also taken in advance that in case the dai cannot handle, then the woman will be taken to the hospital. In case of anticipated complications, the provider/place is also discussed in advance. A woman with live birth while explaining her reason for the preference of doctor stated: “During pregnancy (we) decided that (I) will go to Dr. Gulnaz for delivery, because I lost two babies at the hands of dai before the birth of the twins”(Hamal kay doran socha tha kay lady doctor Gulnaz kay pas jana hay kyunke jurwan bacchon se pehlay dai kay hath do bacchay zai ho gai thay) Few participants (8 out of 38) mentioned that arrangements for transport are made in advance. The person with the vehicle in the community is identified and the possibility of using the vehicle is discussed. Very few participants (6 out of 38) mentioned prior discussions about arrangement of blood. These arrangements included identification of donors such as close relatives, husbands and friends. A husband in Korea said: “(I) arranged blood, contacted friends and relatives on phones and inquired about (their) blood groups, and prepared them for giving blood”(Blood ka intizam kya, jo yaar dost aur rishtaydar hain un ke sath telephone par rabta kya, blood group maloom kya, aur un ko blood kay liyae arrange kya) While others mentioned that they plan to purchase blood at the time of need. A woman with live birth in Swari said: “(When) Dr. Gulnaz asked to arrange for blood (at the time of delivery), we thought that we will purchase it (at that time)” (Doctor Gulnaz ne khoon kay intizam kay liyae kaha to soch tha kai paison se khareed lain gay). Very few (5 out of 38) mentioned about antenatal care as a preparation for birth. Very few participants (4 women and 1 male family member) mentioned about TT vaccination as the preparation for birth. As part of preparation, monetary arrangements are made through savings, contributions from close relatives and/or loans. A currently pregnant woman 30 31 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner A currently pregnant woman from Korea said: “I go to hospital for TT vaccination during pregnancy so that I and the (expected) baby remains healthy” (Mein hamal kay doran hifazati tikon kay liyae haspatal jati hon takay meri aur meray bacchay ki sehat achi rahay. Hum tou gharib log hain aur tou koi tyari nahi kartay). Few participants (7 out of 38) reported that necessary clothes and beddings are made for the expected infant. Only one participant, a husband, mentioned that these are made for the mother also. 5.5.2 Hindrances in BPCR Acquisition of desi ghee and chicken for feeding after delivery was mentioned by very few participants (4 out of 38), and all of them were women. Only one woman mentioned abstinence from sexual intercourse as a measure to stay healthy in the later months of pregnancy. Rarely participants (3 out of 38) mentioned that no preparations are made for birth. One husband mentioned that they have enough money and transport, hence there is no need for any preparation. One woman said that they are too poor to make preparation, while the other woman from Chamla described a totally different reason and said: “We don't discuss these matters beforehand that what should be done at the time (of delivery). It is not good that family members discuss that what will be done at the time (of delivery)” (Hum log ye batain pehlay se nahi kartay kay us waqt kya karma chahiyae, yahan bura samjha jata hay, ye achi baat nahi hoti kay aurat hamla ho aur ghar walay ye batain karain kay us waqt kya karna hay). About half of women (12 out of 23) mentioned that service providers helped them in preparation for birth or complication readiness by providing good care in pregnancy and advices. These included guidance for diet and rest, supplements like iron, TT vaccination, prior information for operation. Most of these providers were skilled providers, either doctor or LHV. Only two mentioned about the visit of LHWs to their home and the guidance provided by them. The remaining half of the women expressed that service providers do not provide any help. One husband mentioned that a service provider did not charge for treatment. While some of the family members stated that only advice is given by the doctor or LHV. The remaining relatives and husbands expressed that the providers have given no support in BPCR. It can be concluded that Discussions about BPCR between wife and husband are of moderate level and limited with other family members BPCR is fairly low and is very variable among participants Apart from the usual problems with making arrangements most notably poverty, there are in this case some normative factors that hinder BPCR namely the belief that is it's not appropriate to discuss these types of things. Different actions are taken by few to several participants include: collection of money, decision for place of delivery, arrangement of transport and blood, preparation of clothes for the infant, and some improvements in diet. The help from skilled service providers is mostly limited to antenatal care. The difference in perceptions about spousal communication is interesting, while all husbands reported spousal communication. Only half of the women reported the same. In the context of a male dominated environment one has to wonder about the level and quality of the communication that is going on. All women, family members and husbands pointed out hindrances in BPCR, both for mother and newborn. All women and family members and almost all husbands mentioned money as the major hindering factor in undertaking any BPCR practices. However, only some of them gave examples of desired actions in case they did have the money. These actions included arrangement of transport, delivery by doctor or in hospital, purchasing medicine, providing good diet to the mother, clothing for the newborn and treatment from appropriate place in case of obstetric emergency and newborn complications. A woman with live birth in Regga said: “Nothing could be done without money as doctor gives treatment on payment of fees, medicines are purchased with money, items needed for the newborn are acquired with money, and if any complications or problem occurs then too money is required” (Agar paisey na hoon to kuch bhee naheen kia ja sakta kion ke doctor paisey sey ilaj kartee hey, dawaee paisey sey atee hey, bachey ke liye cheezen paisey sey atee hen or agar koi pecheedgi ya masla ho to is ke liye bhee paisey zaroori hen). Another currently pregnant woman in Chamla remarked: “No preparation can be done if there is poverty and no money. Without money no transport is available to carry the mother or newborn, and if the doctor is not close by one cannot reach them” (Gurbat ho paisa na ho to koi tiyari naheen ho saktee, paisey ke bager zicha bacha ko lejaney ke liye koi garee naheen miltee, agar doctor nazdeeq na ho to wahan tak paisey ke bager naheen puhanch patee). A husband in Swari said: “(Lack of) money is the hurdle in the preparation. Those who do not have money can neither prepare nor do anything during difficult times either in pregnancy or afterwards” (Tiyarion men rukawat to paisa hey, jink e pass paisa naheen wo hamal ke doran ho ya is ke bad ho na koi tiyari kar saktey hen na mushkilat ke waqt kuch kar saktey hen). Very few women and only one relative mentioned permission of husband or elders like father-in-law or mother-in-law to take the woman or newborn outside the home, as a major hurdle at the time of delivery and dealing with the maternal or newborn emergency. A woman with live birth in Swari said: “If the husband does not allow to go outside home and insist that the delivery should take place at home, whatever may happen, then the pregnant woman just relies on the help of God” (Agar khawand ghar sey bahar janey kee ijazat na dey or kahey ke jo bhee ho bacha ghar men paida hona chayey to phir zicha Allah ke asrey par paree rehtee hey). While very few women said that even discussing the issue of pregnancy or delivery is not considered appropriate in the house, hence it is a major hindrance in preparations. Very few participants mentioned non-availability of the service provider or any close by health facility as a significant hindrance. A woman with live birth in Korea stating this hindrance said: “There is hindrance (in preparations for birth) if hospital or doctor is not nearby” (Haspatal or doctor kareeb na hoon to rukawat hey). Very few women referred to non-cooperative attitude of husbands and family 32 33 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner members as a hurdle in preparations. Table 5.12: Conclusions About BPCR and Recommendations Very few women and family members mentioned non-availability of transport as a hindering factor in BPCR. Two of the women participants, whose husbands were away, said that their absence from the house is also a hurdle in preparing for the birth or seeking care during obstetric emergency. A currently pregnant woman in Chamla said: “If the husband is not at home (and) is out of country, then it is a hindrance, as preparations cannot be made” (Rukawat ye hey ke mard ghar par na ho, mulk sey bahar ho to bhee log tiyari naheen kar saktey). Rarely, participants indicated lack of knowledge about what to prepare, arrangement of blood in case it is needed and absence of a male at the time of delivery as limitations in preparation. 5.5.3 Conclusions for BPCR: The conclusions with recommendations are presented in Table 5.12 Facilitating Factors Hindering Factors Recommendations Some discussions among husband and wife about birth preparation. Discussions of BPCR among family members considered taboo Collection of money for delivery Not enough money Well informed the families about the needs in pregnancy, delivery and postpartum and newborn; the dangers involved during these periods; and specifying the problems that need treatment Decision making for place of delivery and provider Efforts to make arrangement for transport Support from family members Availability of transport with some participants ANC from skilled provider Very limited skilled female staff in rural areas Prior arrangements for blood by few Restriction by husband in seeking care from outside home Introduction at home level of specific topics that merit discussion at the spousal level Consider schemes related to making transport available at community level Introduce innovative messages and materials that address the real and perceived issues related to the lack of money as a hindrance to BPCR Advocacy at the policy level regarding provider staffing at the local level Shared (Male & family) responsibility for maternal and neonatal health outcomes can be a key message Train health providers to take a preventive approach and clearly explain desired behaviors, expected problems and treatment that is understandable to families 34 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner 5.6 Religious and Cultural Practices Surrounding Maternal and Neonatal Health 5.6.1 Religious/cultural ceremonies Religious/cultural ceremonies and taboos during pregnancy: Almost all of the female participants mentioned that no cultural ceremonies are performed during pregnancy. 17 Many women stated that a religious ceremony of “Khatum” is held when a woman gets pregnant, in which relatives and neighbors are invited for reading of the Holy 18 Quran or certain of its Surah. After this reading, a collective prayer session is conducted for safe pregnancy and delivery and sweet meat is distributed among the participants. A currently pregnant woman in Swari describing this event said: “When a woman gets pregnant, we invite (other) women to the house for reading of the Holy Quran“Khatum”, either prepare sweet meats or bring (from outside) and distribute it among the women and neighbors. After “Khatum” (we) pray for facilitation in pregnancy and delivery” (Jab aurat hamla ho to hum aurton ko ghar bula kar, Quran ka khatum kartey hen, halwa pakatey hen ya mithai latey hen, ye cheezen khatum karney waloon ko khilatey hen or mohaley men bhee detey hen, khatum ke bad duwa kartey hen ke hamal or paidaish men sab kuch khariat sey ho). Almost half of the women said that various Surah of the Holy Quran are recited during the period of pregnancy. These included Surah Yasin, Surah Marium, Surah Yousuf, Surah Rahman, Surah Muzzammil and Surah Alum nashrakh. These Surah are recited for facilitation in delivery and safety of mother and the infant. Some of the women said that they say Nafil prayer during this period. Rarely mentioned were reciting the 99 names of Almighty, vowing to fast, say 19 20 Nafil prayers and offer Sadqa. One participant, a Sikh in Korea, mentioned 21 reading of “Garanth Sahab” during this period. Almost all of the husband and family members stated that no cultural ceremonies are performed during pregnancy. Many of these pointed out that Surah from the Holy Quran are recited. These included Surah Yasin, Surah Muzzammil and Surah Rahman. Sikh participants mentioned reading of “Garanth Sahab” during pregnancy for easy delivery and to avoid any complication. Rarely mentioned 22 23 were actions like visiting Pir or Faqir for seeking their blessings for safety of the mother and the infant and distribution of alms among the needy or contributing to the Mosque expenses. 17. Khatum: An occasion where a group of men or women gather to read different Chapters of Holy Quran and complete the reading of the entire Holy Quran in one sitting 18. Surah from Quran: chapters from Quran 19. Nafil Prayers: Namaz offered at will and not linked to the five daily Namaz which are mandatory 20. Sadqa: a religious act in which cash or slaughtered animal is distributed among needy to protect from or ward off the bad effects 21. Garanth Sahab: A Holy Book of Sikh religion 22. Pir: Saint who have several hundred followers 23. Faqir: A person who is perceived to have given up all worldly things in pursuit of God 35 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Several taboos were mentioned by the participants during the discussions which included persons and occasions which pregnant women should strictly avoid. While some women said that pregnant women should avoid going outside the house at all. Very few women mentioned different persons that should be avoided. These included women in postpartum, women who had still births and people wearing Tawiz. Almost half of the women mentioned occasions that a pregnant woman should not attend, and these were funerals and weddings. The reason for applying all these inhibitions is that they have bad effect on fetus and could lead to its death while going outside of the house is thought bad and shameful. A currently pregnant woman in Regga said: “(Pregnant women) are forbidden to attend funeral because (it is believed that) the fetus will be dead in her womb even if the shadow of the dead is cast on her” (Mayat men janey sey mana kartey hen ke agar mayat kee charpaee ka saya is aurat par par gaya to is ka bacha pet men mar jata hey). Another currently pregnant woman in Korea stated: “Pregnant woman is not allowed to go outside of the house because it is not perceived good. It is not taken as good if such a woman visits outside” (Hamla aurat ko ghar sey bahar janey naheen detey kion kea cha naheen lagta. Asee aurat ghar sey bahar jaye is ko bura samjha jata hey) Many husbands also mentioned occasions, which included funerals and wedding ceremonies while some said that a pregnant woman should stay at home. It was believed that attending such ceremonies could be harmful to the fetus and going out of the house is considered against the traditions. Few husbands thought that visiting places like graveyard or hilly areas could prove harmful to the woman who is pregnant. A husband in Swari said: “(Pregnant woman) cannot visit a grave or 24 go close to the dead because in that case she will come under “saya” and this could affect the fetus (negatively)” (Maqbarey men bilkul naheen jatee hey or gum yanee murdey ke pass bhee naheen ja saktee kion ke aisa karney sey us par saya par jata hey or phir aney wala bacha zerey asar ata hey). Half of the family members also mentioned about not attending funeral by a pregnant woman whereas some of them considered it bad for a woman to get out of the house during pregnancy. Reasons for such inhibitions were similar to those given by husbands. A brother-in-law in Chamla said: “Women are strictly not allowed to go out of the house during pregnancy, especially for weddings, other happy or sad occasions, as it does not look good and people gossip (about the pregnant women)” (Hamal kay doran aurton ka ghar se bahar nikalna khas kar ghami khushi shadi kay mawaqay par bilkul jana mana hay kyunkay acha nahi lagta aur log batain banatay hain). Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Around the time of delivery: None of the participants mentioned any cultural practice around the time of delivery. Though very few women and only one relative reported that Nafil prayer is said around this time for the safety of woman and infant during delivery. Only one woman mentioned offering Sadqa at this time. In postpartum: Many women, few husbands and half of the family members stated that a woman in postpartum should not go outside of the house (for about 40 days as mentioned by some) because it is believed that she could come under 25 the influence of evil spirits orJinn, she could get scared, going out is a “sin”, she could get evil eye, and even fall sick. Some places, occasions and persons were also identified by the participants that should not be visited, attended or met by a woman during the postpartum period. These were similar to those mentioned for pregnancy and almost all indicated having bad effects on the newborn. A husband in Chamla said: “A woman cannot go out of the house during postpartum as her body and mind, both, are weak during this period. People say that she might get frightened and there is danger of jinn (overpowering her)” (Chiley ke doran to aurat ghar sey bahar kaheen bhee naheen ja saktee us waqt is ka badan or zehan dunon kamzoor hotey hen, is liye log kehtey hen ke who dar jaye gee or jin bhoot ka khatra hota hey). Rarely women and few husbands said that there is no such prohibition during postpartum period. 26 Only two women specifically mentioned that they celebrate Aqiqa. Many women, several husbands and most of the family members mentioned that they distribute sweets such as sweet rice, halwa, peanuts etc, serve lunch to the relatives and neighbors, friends, distribute alms among the poor, distribute clothes among relatives on the birth of the infant within the first fortnight. A few of family members and husbands mentioned additional activities such as beating drum, firing shots in the air and singing songs, which is done only on the birth of a male child. Few of the husbands and family members mentioned that relatives bring clothes and gifts for the newborn at this occasion. The fact that some report that pregnant women should not be allowed to go out of the house at all has programmatic implications. Many of the participants mentioned that celebrations are more for the male newborn. A husband in Korea said: “If the newborn is a girl then nothing is done, but there are different traditions for boys. Drumming and singing is arranged, some fire (bullets) in the air, some send food to mosque, incoming guests are fed and also given sweets and peanuts, and those who visit to congratulate also bring clothes and gifts for the newborn” (Jab bacha paida ho jaye to agar larkee hey to kuch bhee naheen kartey jahan tak larkey ka taaluk hey to is kee paidaish ke moqey par mukhtalif riwaj hen, dhol or ganay bajanay ka bandobast kartey hen koi hawaee firing karta hey koi masjid ko roti chawal bhejtey hen jo mehman ghar men atey hen un ko roti chawal khilatey hen, mithai or mong phalli detye hen or jatey waqt mong phalli sath ley jatey hen, jo log mubaraki kliye atey hen who nozaida ke liye suit or chotey tuhfey bhee ley atey hen). 24. Saya: effect of evil spirits 25. Jinn: a spirit able to appear in human and animal forms and to posses humans 26. Aqiqa: a christening ceremony Very few participants did not mention any of these beliefs. 36 37 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner In summary, while there are almost no cultural practices, Khatum appear to be highly prevalent. Women are restricted to meet certain people, visit places and attend some occasions some of which has important program connotations. Apart from avoiding weddings and funerals there is also the belief that pregnant women should not go out of the house at all. This has implications for the kinds of information she can access, without it being filtered through others. 5.6.2 Preferred and forbidden food items for breastfeeding mothers Chicken (mentioned by 20 out of 38 participants) and meat (mentioned by 16 out of 38) are the predominantly preferred foods for mothers. This was followed by vegetables (brinjal, spinach, potato, pumpkin, tomatoes) fruits (apple, banana, orange, grapes guava) and milk, desi ghee,27pulses, halwa, fish, liver, dry fruits. Those mentioned by one participant were juice, soup, roti and yoghurt. The stated reasons were that these foods increase the milk of the mother (apple, milk, juice, chicken, meat, desi ghee, yoghurt, dry fruits), increase blood in the mother (liver and apple), prevent jaundice in newborn (kaddo/tinday).28 Table 5.13: Preferred Foods and Number of Participants Who Mentioned it Number of Participants Who Specified Different Preferred Foods Food Chicken Meat Vegetables Fruit Milk 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Desi ghee Pulses Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Table 5.14: Forbidden Foods and Number of Participants Who Mentioned it Number of Participants Who Specified Different Forbidden Foods Foods Vegetables Spices/Spices 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Pulses Rice Lassi Yoghurt Corn Ghee 5.6.3 Precautions taken during postpartum to ensure safety of mother and newborn Participants identified several precautions that are taken to ensure safety/health of the mother and newborn. These are given in Table 5.15 and 5.16. Table 5.15: Precautions During Postpartum to Ensure Safety of Mother Precautions during postpartum for safety of mother Family members (8) Women (12) Husbands (8) Total Participants 40 Do not go out for 40 days 14 2 2 18 Protect from cold Should not work at all 14 8 1 3 3 2 18 13 Avoid heavy work/lifting weights 7 4 2 13 Take good diet 7 1 4 12 Protect from hot weather 4 0 2 6 No water but only green/ black tea for 7 days 2 0 0 2 Halwa Should not be left alone 1 0 0 1 Fish Liver Dry fruit Juice Soup Should not go out in the evening 0 1 0 1 No bath for 40 days 1 0 0 1 Keep a knife with mother 1 0 0 1 Roti Yoghurt Among forbidden foods, vegetables (potato, radish, spinach), pulses and chili/spicy foods topped the list and were mentioned by all groups of participants. Other foods mentioned were lassi, corn, rice, yoghurt, and ghee. Rarely 29 mentioned were meat, fish, sour items like lemon, garam food, chilled water. Nine out of 38 participants did not mention any forbidden food. Vegetables, pulses, spicy foods are considered to give colicky pain or diarrhea in 30 the newborn who is being breastfed. Sour and cold foods are believed to give cold, flu, pneumonia to the newborn. Some foods are believed to dry up the milk of the mother (potato, lemon, chilies, and yoghurt). Table 5.16: Precautions During Postpartum to Ensure Safety of Newborn Precautions during postpartum for safety of newborn Protect from cold Do not take outside home for 40 days Women (12) 17 15 Husbands (8) Family members (8) 1 0 6 0 24 15 7 Total Participants 40 Protect from hot weather 4 0 3 Should not be left alone 1 0 0 1 Keep a knife with mother 1 0 0 1 Breastfeeding Mother to avoid cold foods 1 0 0 1 0 Vaccination 0 0 1 1 Expose to sun to protect from jaundice 1 0 0 1 1 1 27. Desi ghee: clarified butter 28. Kaddo/Tinday: pumpkin 29. Garam foods: foods believed to have hot effects inside the body 30. Cold foods: those foods that are believed to have cold effects on the body 38 39 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Reasons were given for different precautions. Mother and newborn should be protected from cold weather, to avoid illness The mother and newborn is restricted from going outside of the house to 31 avoid from the effects of jinn, saya (evil spirits), nazar; getting scared; developing paralysis; getting effects of cold. Mother and newborn should never be left alone during postpartum period, as they both could get scared. Mother should not indulge in heavy household work like washing clothes, lifting weight etc. because this could cause bleeding and also lead to thand (effects of cold). Mother should place a knife beside her to keep the jinn away Mother should be given good diet during the postpartum period to keep the newborn healthy Mother should not take bath for 40 days as she could get pains and the newborn could fall sick Mother should not drink water for seven days but only green tea as she could get the effects of cold and her abdomen can swell. Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner 5.6.4 Feeding of newborn Several of the participants (25 out of 38) mentioned Ghutti as the first item of the intake while few suggested breast milk (7 out of 38). Other items mentioned were green tea (4), honey (2) and water (1). Ghutti is given for several reasons: It is believed that mothers milk does not come immediately (colostrums is not considered mothers milk) hence ghutti is given as a replacement, which could be up to 3 days Cleans the stomach of the newborn and avoid colics Keeps the newborn warm Infant sleeps well Gives strength and keeps the newborn healthy 32 The person who gives the ghutti, transfers his/her personality traits to the newborn. 33 A woman with live birth in Korea said: “My mother-in-law tell s me not to go out as (I) will get the effects of evil-eye. If a boy is born and some outsider comes, she tells them that the newborn is a girl” (meri sas tou kehti hay kay bahar na niklo, nazar lag jai gi. Agar larka paida hua ho aur ghar mein bahar se koi aae tou keh deti hay kay larki paida hui hay) A mother-in-law in Regga said: “In postpartum, the woman is restricted from lifting weight, doing household chores, wetting body or washing hands and feet with cold water, going out of the house, and newborn is kept warm”(Chillay mein ma ko wazan uthanay se mana kartay hain, ghar kay kam nahi karnay daite, thanday pani se jism ko gila karnay ya hath paon dhonay se mana kartay hain, bacchay ko garam rakhtay hain, aur chillay mein ma ko bahar nahi janay deitay). As evident from above, two key measures that could affect the health of the mother are not to do heavy work and good diet, and these have been mentioned by only less than one-third participants. Hence, it could be inferred that not much is being done to maintain or promote the health of the mother during postpartum. For newborn, only one significant step is being taken and that is protection from severity of weather. Ghutti is mostly prepared at home and is mainly composed of herbs (ajwain, alam, mamber, hanja, rajja, sona patta, saparkey, potay, and landlais) in desi ghee or green tea. 6 out of 38 participants mentioned buying prepared ghutti from the market. A husband in Regga said: “Ghutti is given before milk, it is a herb called raja that is mixed in black tea. It is given to avoid illness in the newborn as the mother's milk is given after three days”(doodh se pehlay ghutti daite hain, ye aik jari booti hay jis ka naam raja hay, is ko baghair doodh ki chai mein milaya jata hay. Ye is liyae daite hain kay baccha beemar na hojai kyunke ma ka doodh tou teen din baad dya jata hay) Discussing the first feed of mother's milk, some women (10 out of 24), very few husbands (1 out of 7) and few family members (2 out of 8) mentioned that it should be given within the first hour of birth. Some women (7) and husbands (2) and very few family members (1) mentioned timings that fell within 1-6 hours. Few women (6 out of 23) and family members (2 out of 8) and several husbands (4 out of 7) stated that the first feed of mother milk should be given sometime between second to fourth day. The main reason given for delayed initiation of breastfeeding is that milk flows from the breast after 2-3 days. Different items were mentioned as alternative for mother's milk, which are given in the first 2-3 days. These include ghutti or black/green tea. It is interesting to note that mother's milk is not replaced by cow or goat milk. A woman with live birth in 34 Korea expressing this view said: “Ajwain, saunf are boiled in black tea, then strained, and then given to the newborn as the mother's milk comes after three days”(qahwa mein ajwain, saunf ubal kar, chan kar, putli mein bhigo kar bacchay ko daite hain kyunke zichha ka doodh teen din baad utarta hay). Once initiated, the feeding of breast milk has been mentioned to be frequent by several of the participants (25 out of 38). They stated that the newborn should be 31. Nazar: evil-eye 40 32. Ghutti: mixture given as a ritual first food to newborn and later to soothe the infants 33. Ajwain, alam, mamber, hanja, rajja, sona patta, saparkey, potay, and landlais: different herbs 34. Saunf: anis seed 41 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner fed on demand or after every 2-3 hours. This was higher among husbands then women. With the above evidence, it becomes apparent that misconceptions pertaining to initiation of breast feeding and feeding of colostrums are important intervention areas. 5.6.5 Bathing patterns Many women (16 out of 23), some husbands (2 out of 7) and half of family members were in favor of giving bath to the newborn immediately within first hour after birth. Few women (5 out of 23) felt that this should be done between 2 to 24 hours after delivery. Other gave the timing of first bath to be from second to 20th day, which included 1 woman, many husbands (5 out of 7) and few family members (2 out of 8). This reflects that husbands are not very closely involved in the delivery process; hence they are not aware when the baby is being given first bath, which is soon after delivery in many cases. In the following days, the frequency of bathing for newborn varied substantially from daily to the 40th day among all the three groups. However, the commonly suggested frequency for summer is daily or every 2-3 days. Many participants (27 out of 38) were of the opinion that the mother should take her first bath between 35 to 40 days. Nine mentioned it between 13 to 25 days. Only one woman stated that it should be on the third day and she was Urdu speaking, indicating the difference in practice by a different ethnic group. A Sikh husband said that it should be taken when the woman feels fit. Hence, the first bath is delayed and the commonly mentioned reason was that it is a tradition. A husband from Regga said: “The woman takes bath 40 days after delivery (and) does not wash face and hands for 20 days” (Baccah paida honay kay baad aurat 40 din baad nahati hay, bees din tak munh hath bhi nahi dhoti). 5.6.6 Presence and effects of Nazar (evil-eye) Most participants (18 out of 23 women, 6 out of 7 husbands and 7 out of 8 family members) believed that nazar exists. Pregnant women: Many husbands (5 out of 7) expressed that nazar has bad effects and it could cause illness in the expectant mother or lead to death of the fetus. The affects mentioned by 18 women were some kind of illness or complication, which included lethargy, headache, fever, heavy eyes, abdominal pain, body ache, irritable, pain in bladder, bleeding, difficult delivery. Among family members, all except one believed in the bad effects of nazar on a pregnant woman, with which she could fall sick, bleed, have miscarriage or even die. Women in postpartum: Many women (16 out of 23) believed in the effect of nazar during postpartum. They mentioned different symptoms, which include headache, fever, body ache, backache, cough. Some husbands (3 out of 7) and several family members (5 out of 8) stated that women could get illnesses such as vomiting, headache, body ache, stomachache, cough, fever. One husband from 42 Qualitative Formative Research Findings - Buner Swari mentioned that a woman in postpartum cannot get the effects of nazar during postpartum: “It is strange for a woman to get nazar during postpartum as she does not take bath for 40 days and stinks, has uncombed hairs and is in horrible state. What could an evil-eye do to her?” (Chillay kay doran aurat ko nazar lagna ajeeb hay kyunke wo challis din tak nahati nahi hay, us kay badan se badbo aati hay, bal bikhray hotay hain, bura hal hota hay, us ko nazar kya keh sakta hay?). Newborn: All, except 2 husbands, 1 family member and 5 women believed that the newborn could be affected by evil-eye. The women mentioned that the newborn becomes ill. Other mentioned effects were: cries a lot, stops taking milk, becomes irritable, develops fever, colic, cough, vomiting, diarrhea, constipation, starts drying up. Interestingly one husband expressed that it does not affect the female infant and only affect the male newborn as they are beautiful Measures to protect mother and newborn from Nazar : The measures mentioned to protect mother and newborn from nazar are: Say mashallah 35 Tie a piece of black cloth on arm Giving smoke of nazar panrah Wear Tawiz 36 Measures to overcome Nazar in mothers and newborn: Some specific measures to overcome the effects of nazar were mentioned by all groups of participants: 37 Dum from buzurg Treat the affected with smoke of red chilies, alum, mustard seeds, and herbs 38 39 like harmal, nazar panra, sipleni Rotate alum, chilies, harmal over the head of the affected and burn in fire Burn a piece of black cloth in fire Conclusion: Some cultural beliefs and practices have positive effects on health, others have negative effects, while some have neither. Summary of these are given in Table 5.17. Table 5.17: Summary of Positive and Negative Cultural Practices Positive Practices Negative Practices Recommendations Surah of the Holy Quran is recited during pregnancy and delivery for gaining Allah's blessings. Hence give psychological comfort and strength Not feeding colostrums considering it to be bad for the baby and giving replacement feeds like ghutti, tea The importance of giving newborn colostrums should be stressed. Milk is given to breastfeeding mothers and effort is made to give good diet mother during pregnancy and postpartum Mother should take her first bath after between 35-40 days. Lack of hygienic practices could factor into both maternal and neonatal falling ill Optimal and appropriate bathing patterns need to be promoted and established 35. Mashallah: Islamic version of touch wood 36. Nazar panra: a leaf 37. Buzurg: elderly pious man 38. Harmal: turmeric 39. Sipleni: a leaf 43 Mother should take her first bath after between Qualitative Research Findings - Buner 35-40 days. LackFormative of hygienic practices could factor into both maternal and neonatal falling ill Breastfeeding the infant, early initiation and frequent feeding Significantly preferential treatment for male child Might consider addressing preference for male children as an over arching social norm Protecting mother and newborn from the severity of weather and thand Restricting the mother and newborn from going outside of the house during postpartum Work on highlighting that measures to overcome nazar should simultaneously be carried out with medical interventions Restricting mother from undertaking heavy work Some symptoms of medical problems are related to Nazar. This could lead to delayed medical intervention. Regular bathing of newborn 44
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